风萧萧_Frank
以文会友
我对中国和中欧关系的看法
https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/my-view-china-and-eu-china-relations_en
2023 年 4 月 13 日
Josep Borrell，欧盟外交与安全政策高级代表/欧盟委员会副主席, 人力资源/副总裁博客——我本应今天在北京与中国领导人会面并讨论中欧关系、地区和全球问题。 不幸的是，我不得不取消我的访问，因为我的 COVID-19 测试呈阳性，但我在这里发表了我周五将在中国与全球化中心发表的演讲。
我第一次访问中国是在 1987 年，当时我以西班牙财政部国务秘书的身份前来签署第一份关于我们公司双重征税的协定。 当时，中国正开始令人瞩目的经济腾飞和对外开放。 我于 2006 年以欧洲议会议长的身份返回。 它已经是另一个中国，处于世界经济重心从大西洋向太平洋转移的核心。 与此同时，它加入了世贸组织，并正在成为全球经济关系中的核心参与者。 我与胡锦涛主席进行了长时间的交谈，然后他邀请我到中国共产党领导学院演讲。 当时，中国已经有大量外汇储备投资于美国国债。 我记得在我的演讲中我指出具有讽刺意味的是，美元汇率取决于中国共产党的决定。 但这些决定是双刃剑，因为美元贬值会自动降低这些储备的价值。
后来，2019年，我还以西班牙外长的身份访问了北京，应邀参加了“一带一路”倡议的庆祝活动。这段时间，中国经济持续发展，不再是简单的低端产品生产国。 廉价劳动力成本高，技术强国在过去50年实现了数亿人脱贫的历史性壮举。这是人类的伟大成就，也是中国当局政策选择的结果 ，也是支持开放市场和自由贸易的时候。
中美经济已经深入并日益交织在一起。 欧洲经济也是如此。 我们20%的进口来自中国，而中国是我们9%出口的目的地； 我们每天的贸易额为 23 亿欧元。 然而，这种不平衡在不断扩大，我们的贸易逆差在过去两年翻了一番。 这当然是不可持续的，需要解决，主要是通过消除欧洲公司在中国仍然面临的无数市场准入壁垒。 正如欧盟委员会主席一周前在北京所说，我们需要透明和互惠。 简而言之，公平的竞争环境。
世界变了，中国也变了
然而，从那以后，世界变了，中国也变了。 “mondialisation heureuse”的时代结束了。 经济一体化的好处正在从国家安全的角度重新评估。 我们必须面对气候紧急情况、大流行病的后果以及俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略战争。 这场战争加剧了对供应链的冲击以及粮食和能源危机。 在此背景下，我们认为中国必须承担更多责任，包括对安全与和平的责任。 它无法避免这一点。 如果我们想要一个合作胜过对抗的国际秩序，每个人都必须充分履行自己的责任，确保国际法得到尊重。
我坚信公共外交、个人和人际交流的重要性，双方都可以从更好地了解对方中获益。 这就是为什么欧中之间的文化和人员交流在中断三年后必须尽快恢复。 我们关系的主要基础应该是相互了解和尊重。 Covid-19 危机和最近的国际紧张局势扩大了欧洲和中国之间的知识差距。 我们必须共同努力缩小这一差距。
我知道欧盟是一种国家联盟，其运作可能看起来很复杂。 然而，当谈到外交和安全政策时，它是基于简单的原则。 欧洲理事会汇集了成员国的国家元首和政府首脑，确定联盟的战略选择，部长和欧盟委员会负责实施这些选择，欧洲议会监督其活动。
在这个体系中，成员国保留对其外交和安全政策的责任。 作为高级代表，我的职责是制定一项共同政策，成为欧盟的对外政策，无论是针对中国还是任何其他国家，并在世界范围内以部长级身份代表欧盟。
这一切可能看起来很复杂。 但这种复杂性有一个优势，可以创建一个超国家和民主的欧洲体系，确保欧洲人之间的和平与繁荣。 这才是最重要的。
面对最近的极端挑战，欧盟在其外交和安全政策上表现出非凡的团结。 作为对俄罗斯侵略乌克兰的回应，它立即在创纪录的时间内采取了开创性的举措，向乌克兰提供军事和财政支持，并对俄罗斯战争机器采取了十项制裁措施。
我们怎么看中国？
欧盟在 2020 年获得欧洲理事会批准的目前对中国的立场是基于已知的三重格局：合作伙伴、竞争对手和系统性竞争对手。 从那时起发生了很多事情。 近年来，由于越来越多的刺激因素（如中国对欧盟有针对性的限制措施的过度反应、中国对立陶宛的贸易措施对我们的欧盟单一市场产生直接影响，以及中国的立场），欧盟与中国之间的双边关系近年来恶化 关于对乌克兰的战争）。 但与此同时，我们仍致力于接触与合作，并认识到中国在解决全球和地区问题中的关键作用。 例如，在气候变化问题上：尽管中国在应对二氧化碳排放方面做出了越来越大的努力，但中国燃烧的煤炭数量仍然与世界其他地区的总和一样多。 没有与中国强有力的伙伴关系和参与，就没有机会找到解决全球变暖的办法。
话虽如此，我将谈到我的主要观点。 这归结为两个基本问题：我们如何看待中国？ 在什么条件下我们可以学会一起工作？
我们怎么看中国？ 我们认为它是一个人口众多的大国，它的崛起是人类悠久历史的一部分。 过去 50 年 GDP 年均增长率为 9%，并大规模消除贫困。
然而，我们从经验中知道，一旦一个国家获得了经济实力，它自然也想在政治和战略层面上投射自己。 如果说中国取得了巨大进步，那要归功于其勤劳和富有创造力的人民，但如果没有市场原则的引入、经济开放以及由世界各国规则所保障的开放多边体系的存在，这一切就不会发生 贸易组织。
遵守这些规则符合我们所有人的利益。 但更新它们也符合我们的利益。 因为从 2000 年代初到今天，世界发生了根本性的变化。 许多问题，如出口补贴、能源转型、数字化、网络安全或知识产权保护，在当时并不那么紧迫，但从那时起就变得如此紧迫。
在这个新世界中，新的力量不断涌现。 他们要求在世界秩序中占有一席之地。 我们必须接受一个更加多极化的世界到来的现实，在这个世界中，表达的主张往往具有不同的、有时甚至是不同的含义。 因此，这一现实强加给我们和其他人，当然也包括中国。
减少失衡的必要性
我们不惧怕中国的崛起。 然而，我们知道，明天世界的历史也将取决于中国如何运用其力量。 我们不惧怕不断变化的世界。 更重要的是，虽然我们意识到新的现实，但作为欧洲人，我们也拥有重要的政治、工业、科学和文化资产。 我们的规范影响力很强，而且往往是原创的。 我们的社会和政治模式反映了这种原创性和力量。 它不会盲目地相信市场或国家。 它始终努力将市场效率与个人保护、善治和政治多元化结合起来。 此外，确实有欧洲的声音和欧洲的方式。 在这方面，仍然至关重要的是，我们都尊重我们所属的国际体系的核心规则和规范。
正如我所说，中国和欧盟有着牢固的经济关系，尤其是在贸易方面。 到2022年，我们的贸易总额已达到近8500亿欧元。但这些往来越来越不平衡，对我们不利。 我们的贸易逆差已达到创纪录的 4000 亿欧元，占我们 GDP 的 2.3%。
因此必须减少这种不平衡。 还必须通过允许欧洲人更好地进入中国市场来解决这些问题。 我们都有兴趣维护一个开放的系统。 如果失衡得不到纠正，我们就必须做出反应。 欧洲仍将是世界上最开放的主要市场，但我们会毫不犹豫地采取措施保护自己免受我们认为不公平做法的侵害。 也不会允许危及我们成员国国家安全的有害活动。
技术武器化和相互依存是我们已经变得非常敏感的现实。 大流行病和俄罗斯的能源勒索告诉我们，我们不能依赖一个国家。 例如，我们知道，我们过度依赖某些国家，包括中国，以获得某些原材料，如钴、锰或镁。 最后，我们真正的依赖源于这些产品在制成品进口中的整合。 因此，需要使我们的价值链多样化，因为产品的战略重要性不仅取决于它的生产地，还取决于它的提炼或制造地。 我们还必须防止我们的敏感技术被用于军事目的。
我们能够迅速摆脱对俄罗斯的能源依赖表明，当我们的切身利益受到威胁时，我们能够迅速而强烈地做出反应。 我们成功地做到了这一点，俄罗斯认为这是不可能的。 我们实现了供应多元化，减少了消耗，增加了可再生能源的份额并支持了乌克兰。 欧洲没有威胁任何人。 但它不会让任何人恐吓它。
正如欧洲领导人在 2022 年 3 月举行的凡尔赛非正式峰会上所商定的那样，欧洲现在必须承担起所有领域的责任，以通过提高防御能力、减少依赖和设计新的增长和投资模式来维护其主权。 2030 年。
你可以随心所欲地称呼它：增加我们的战略自主权或降低风险，但这都归结为同一件事。 但我要强调，我们为保护自己而采取的这些措施并非针对某个国家，而是符合 WTO 规则的。
为共同利益而共同努力
我还相信，存在一个多边空间，欧盟和中国可以在其中为共同利益共同努力。 比如昆明蒙特利尔框架协议保护生物多样性和陆地和海洋生态系统，或者在G20暂停偿债倡议框架下解决最不发达国家的过度债务问题。 欧盟提出的大流行病国际条约草案也是如此。 最重要的是，我们需要在气候变化这个关键问题上共同努力，我们确实需要中国方面有更高的雄心才能取得进展。 共同努力解决这些全球性问题是恢复我们之间已被侵蚀的信任的重要途径。
但只有当我们在重大国际政治问题上能够相互理解并在和平解决冲突方面取得进展时，这种信任才会恢复。 我知道从你的角度来看，一个关键问题是台湾。 我完全清楚这一点。 在这个问题上，你应该知道，欧盟的立场是一贯的、明确的。 它没有改变。 我们仍然从根本上致力于欧盟的一个中国政策。 我们认为没有理由质疑它。 我们必须降低紧张； 避免只会助长不信任的言语爆发或挑衅。 然而，任何以武力改变现状的企图都是不可接受的。
就我们而言，我们有一个主要的安全问题，即乌克兰。 欧洲国家的主权和领土完整遭到俄罗斯的粗暴和公然侵犯。 遭到141个联合国会员国的谴责，可见俄罗斯对国际秩序的严重破坏。
我不是来这里给中国上课或建议的。 我太尊重它的独立和主权了。 然而，我想在所有的友谊中说：如果中国不为寻找做出贡献，欧盟与中国保持信任关系将是极其困难的，如果不是不可能的话，我希望看到这种关系 寻求基于俄罗斯从乌克兰领土撤军的政治解决方案。 在违反国际法的情况下保持中立是不可信的。 我们不要求任何人与我们的立场保持一致。 我们只是要求承认并承认在这种情况下严重违反了国际法。 这就是为什么我认为，习主席与泽伦斯基总统通话，以及中国向受虐的乌克兰人民提供更多实质性人道主义援助，将会有所帮助。
承担责任，帮助俄罗斯听话
Take on responsibility and help Russia to listen to reason
俄罗斯困难重重。 普京想象中的闪电战以失败告终。 而且因为它有麻烦，它显然是想把中国拉到自己这边。 在与中国承诺不在境外部署核武器后，又宣布在白俄罗斯部署核武器，增加了核风险。 中国拒绝封锁心态。 我们也是。 这就是为什么我们会特别关注中国可能采取的任何步骤，最终让俄罗斯领导人听从理性。 作为联合国安理会常任理事国，中国肩负着重大责任。 我们希望它能接受更多这样的人，例如它在中东所做的那样，通过促进沙特阿拉伯和伊朗之间的外交关系重建。
欧洲正在保卫乌克兰，并准备迎接它的一天。 但今天，欧洲的安全也因乌克兰而受到威胁。 这就是为什么我们将继续以各种可能的方式支持乌克兰：军事、财政、政治、外交和人道主义。 我们的支持绝不是表达对另一个大国的效忠或屈服，正如我听到有人说的那样，而是表达我们自己的意愿。 请理解这一点。 我们为之奋斗的是我们自己的命运。
来到欧洲，您会看到有多少人自发地支持乌克兰及其人民。 例如，在我家附近，在马德里，四周环绕着乌克兰国旗。 这不是政府提出的要求。 与乌克兰人民一起自发动员起来的是人民和市政当局。
对我们来说，人权是普遍的，应该在任何地方都受到尊重
我没有篇幅在这里详细讨论所有相关问题，有些问题使我们走到一起，有些则使我们分开。 例如，人权问题。 我们在这里有深刻而严重的分歧。 我们不能隐瞒这个事实。 但是，这也是我们必须坦诚、冷静、坚决地发言的原因。 我们在中断四年后恢复了欧盟与中国之间的人权对话。 对我们来说，人权是普遍的，在任何地方都应该受到尊重。
我无意详尽地讨论整个中欧关系，但我希望我已经触及了中欧关系的一些基本要素。 欧洲尊重中国，钦佩它的历史、文化和令人印象深刻的经济发展轨迹。 我们知道，世界上的问题离不开中国。 作为回报，欧洲希望被认真对待，成为一个地缘政治参与者，能够捍卫其利益和价值观并承担其战略责任。
摆在我们面前的真正挑战是如何最好地使我们的关系发挥作用以及如何处理我们的分歧。 这符合中国的利益，也符合欧盟的利益。 我们欠世界的。
My view on China and EU-China relations
https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/my-view-china-and-eu-china-relations_en?
Apr 13, 2023
Later, in 2019, I also visited Beijing as Spain's Foreign Minister, invited to the celebration ceremonies of the “Belt and Road Initiative". During all this time, China has continued its economic development. It is no longer a simple producer of low-cost goods with cheap labour, but a technological powerhouse that has achieved the historic feat of lifting hundreds of million people out of poverty over the past 50 years. This is a great achievement of mankind and was made possible by the policy choices of the Chinese authorities, being also time in favour of open markets and free trade.
The Chinese and US economies have been deeply and increasingly intertwined. So does the European economy. 20% of our imports come from China, which is the destination of 9% of our exports; our trade represents 2.3 billion euros per day. However, the imbalance is continuously getting bigger and our trade deficit has doubled in the last two years. This is of course unsustainable and needs to be addressed, principally through the removal of the myriad of market access barriers that European companies still face in China. As the president of the European Commission said in Beijing only a week ago, we need transparency, reciprocity. In short, a level playing field.
The world has changed and so has China
However, since then, the world has changed and so has China. The time of the “mondialisation heureuse” is over. The benefits of the economic integration are being re-evaluated through the lens of national security. We have to face the climate emergency, the consequences of the pandemic, and Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. This war has fuelled shocks on supply chains, and a food and energy crisis. In this context, we believe that China must exercise more responsibility, also for security and peace. It cannot avoid this. If we want an international order where cooperation prevails over confrontation, everyone must fully exercise their responsibilities to ensure respect for international law.
I strongly believe in the importance of public diplomacy, in personal and human exchanges and that both sides gain from knowing each other better. This is why cultural and personal exchanges between Europe and China must be resumed as soon as possible after three years of interruption. The primary foundation of our relations should be mutual knowledge and respect. The Covid-19 crisis and recent international tensions have widened the knowledge gap between Europe and China. We must work together to reduce this gap.
I know that the functioning of the EU, which is a kind of confederation of states, may seem complex. However, when it comes to foreign and security policy it is based on simple principles. The European Council, which brings together the heads of state and government of the member states, defines the strategic choices of the Union, The ministers and the European Commission implement them and the European Parliament monitors its activity.
In this system, the member states retain responsibility for their foreign and security policy. My role as High Representative is to build a common policy, which becomes the external policy of the Union, whether it is in relation to China or any other country, and to represent it in the world at ministerial level.
All this may seem complex. But this complexity has an advantage of creating a supranational and democratic European system that has ensured peace and proserity among Europeans. And this is what counts.
In the face of the recent extreme challenges, the EU has been able to show remarkable unity in its foreign and security policy. As a response to the Russian aggression against Ukraine, it immediately took ground-breaking initiatives in record time, providing military and financial support to Ukraine and adopting ten packages of sanctions against the Russian war machine.
How do we see China?
The EU's current position on China, endorsed by the European Council in 2020, is based on the known triptych: partner, competitor and systemic rival. A lot has happened since then. Bilateral relations between the EU and China have deteriorated in recent years, due to a growing number of irritants (like China's disproportionate response to EU’s targeted restricted measures, China’s trade measures against Lithuania, with a direct impact on our EU single market, and China's position on the war against Ukraine). But at the same time, we have remained committed to engagement and cooperation and recognise China's crucial role in solving global and regional problems. On climate change, for example: despite China’s growing efforts in the fight against CO2 emissions, China still burns as much coal as the rest of the world combined. There is no chance of finding a solution to global warming without a strong partnership with and engagement of China.
Having said that, I will come to my main point. And this comes down to two fundamental questions: how do we see China? And under what conditions can we learn to work together?
How do we see China? We see it as a power with a large population, the rise of which is part of the long history of humanity. With an average annual GDP growth rate of 9% over the last fifty years and a massive eradication of poverty.
However, we know from experience that as soon as a country achieves economic power it also naturally wants to project itself on political and strategic levels. If China has made great progress, it is thanks to its industrious and creative people, but it would not have happened without the introduction of market principles, the economic opening and the existence of an open multilateral system guaranteed by rules such as those of the World Trade Organization.
It is in the interest of all of us to respect these rules. But it is also in our interest to update them. Because between the beginning of the 2000s and today the world has undergone fundamental changes. Many issues as important as export subsidies, energy transition, digitalisation, cyber security or intellectual property protection, which were not as pressing at the time, have become so since then.
And in this new world there are new powers emerging. They demand their place in the world order. We must accept the reality of the advent of a more multipolar world, in which claims with often different and sometimes divergent meanings are expressed. This reality is therefore imposed on us as on others, including of course China.
The need to reduce imbalances
We do not fear China's rise. However, we know that the history of tomorrow's world will also depend on how China uses its power. We do not fear the changing world. Even more because, while we are aware of the new realities, as Europeans we also have important political, industrial, scientific and cultural assets. Our normative influence is strong and often original. Our social and political model reflects this originality and strength. It does not blindly trust either the market or the state. It always strives to combine market efficiency with individual protection, good governance and political pluralism. In addition, there is indeed a European voice and a European way. In this, what remains vital is that we all respect the core rules and norms of the international system to which we belong.
As I said, China and the EU have strong economic relations, especially as to trade. The total amount of our trade has reached nearly 850 billion euros in 2022. But these exchanges are increasingly unbalanced to our disadvantage. Our trade deficit has reached a record of 400 billion euros, or 2.3% of our GDP.
This imbalance must therefore be reduced. They must also be addressed by allowing much better access to the Chinese market for Europeans. We all have an interest in maintaining an open system. If imbalances are not corrected, we have to react. Europe will remain the most open major market in the world, but we will not hesitate hesitated to take measures to protect ourselves against practices that we consider unfair. Neither will be permit harmful activities that place at risk the national security of our member states.
The weaponisation of technology and interdependence is a reality to which we have become very sensitive. The pandemic and the Russian energy blackmail have taught us that we cannot be dependent on a single country. We know, for example, that we depend excessively on certain countries, including China, for certain raw materials such as cobalt, manganese or magnesium. In the end, our real dependence stems from the integration of these products in manufactured imports. Hence, the need to diversify our value chains because the strategic importance of a product does not only depend on the place where it is produced, but also on the place where it is refined or manufactured. We must also prevent our sensitive technologies from being used for military purposes.
Our ability to quickly get rid of our energy dependence from Russia shows that we are able to react quickly and strongly when our vital interests are threatened. We have done this successfully, something Russia thought was impossible. We have diversified our supplies, reduced our consumption, increased the share of renewables and supported Ukraine. Europe is not threatening anyone. But it will not let anyone intimidate it.
As agreed by the European leaders at their Informal summit of Versailles in March 2022, Europe must now assume its responsibilities in all areas in order to assert its sovereignty by increasing its defence capabilities, reducing its dependencies and designing a new model of growth and investment by 2030.
You can call it as you prefer: increasing our strategic autonomy or de-risking, but it all comes down to the same thing. But let me emphasize that these measures that we are adopting to defend ourselves are not directed against a country and are compatible with WTO rules.
Work together for the common good
I also believe that there is a multilateral space in which the European Union and China can manage to work together for the common good. For instance with the agreement of the Kunming Montreal Framework to protect biodiversity and terrestrial and maritime ecosystems, or with regard to tackling the excessive debt of the least developed countries in the framework of the G20 Debt Service Suspension Initiative. This will also be the case with the draft international treaty on pandemics proposed by the European Union. And above all we need to work together on the crucial issue of climate change, where we do need a higher level of ambition on China’s side to progress. Working together concretely to tackle such global issues is one important way to restore the trust that has been eroded between us.
But this trust will only return if we manage to understand each other on major international political issues and make progress towards a peaceful resolution of conflicts. I know that from your point of view a key issue is Taiwan. I am fully aware of this. On this subject, you should know that the European Union's position is consistent and clear. It has not changed. We remain fundamentally committed to EU’s One China Policy. We see no reason to question it. We must lower the tension; avoid verbal outbursts or provocations that can only fuel mistrust. However, any attempt to change the status quo by force would be unacceptable.
For our part, we have a major security concern, Ukraine. The sovereignty and territorial integrity of a European country has been brutally and flagrantly violated by Russia. It has been condemned by 141 member states of the United Nations, which shows how Russia has seriously damaged the international order.
I am not here to give lessons or advice to China. I have too much respect for its independence and sovereignty. However, I would like to say this in all friendship: it will be extremely difficult, if not impossible, for the European Union to maintain a relationship of trust with China, which I would like to see, if China does not contribute to the search for a political solution based on Russia's withdrawal from the Ukrainian territory. Neutrality in the face of the violation of international law is not credible. We do not ask anyone to align with our own position. We simply ask to admit and recognise that in this case there was a serious violation of international law. This is why I believe that it would be helpful if President Xi spoke to President Zelenskyy, and if China provided more substantial humanitarian aid to the battered Ukrainian people.
Take on responsibility and help Russia to listen to reason
Russia is in great difficulty. The lightning war that Putin imagined has ended in failure. And because it is in trouble, it obviously wants to involve China on its side. Right after committing with China not to deploy nuclear weapons outside their territory, it announced that it would do so in Belarus, increasing the nuclear risk. China rejects the block mentality. So do we. This is why we will be particularly attentive to any steps that China might take to finally make the Russian leaders listen to reason. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China has major responsibilities. We hope that it will take on more of them, as it has for instance done in the Middle East by facilitating the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Europe is defending Ukraine and prepares to welcome it one day in its family. But today, Europe’s security is also at stake in Ukraine. This why we will continue supporting Ukraine in every conceivable way: militarily, financially, politically, diplomatically and humanitarian. Our support is in no way the expression of a form of allegiance or submission to another great power, as I hear some say, but the expression of our own will. Please, understand this. It is our own destiny we are fighting for.
Come to Europe, you will see how much spontaneous support there is for Ukraine and its people. Near my home for example, in Madrid, surrounded by Ukrainian flags. It was not the government that demanded this. It is the people and the municipalities that have spontaneously mobilised alongside the Ukrainian people.
For us, human rights are universal and should be respected everywhere
I have not the space to discuss here in detail all the relevant issues, some that bring us together and some that separate us. The issue of human rights, for example. We have deep and serious differences here. We must not hide this fact. However, this is also why we must speak frankly, calmly and resolutely. We have resumed the dialogue on human rights between the EU and China after a four-year interruption. For us, human rights are universal and should be respected everywhere.
It was not my ambition to deal exhaustively with the whole of Sino-European relations, but I hope I have touched upon some essential elements of EU-China relations. Europe respects China, it admires its history, its culture and its impressive economic trajectory. We know the world's problems cannot be solved without China. In return, Europe expects to be taken serious as a geopolitical actor, capable of defending its interests and values and assuming its strategic responsibilities.
The real challenge before us is how best to make our relations work and how to manage our differences. This will be in the interest of China and in the interest of the European Union. We owe it to the world.
