全球战略
全球军事，历史，战略
饮水思源。在美国，中国，越南，中东，南部非洲 。。。在世界各地，人们不应忘记基辛格对世界和平作出的杰出贡献。当然，人无完人，基辛格所作所为也有很多争议。美国和中国友好必然出卖台湾（同样，中美接触中国必然出卖北越，尽管基辛格走后周恩来马上去河内说服北越以大局为重，越南人自然心怀不满）。1973年1月越南停战协议之所以能和一心要解放全国而不愿签约的北越签下来，是因为1972年12月基辛格授意尼克松下令对北越进行“圣诞节大轰炸”（Christmas Bombing）。这是前所未有的，北越全境包括河内全部挨炸的大轰炸（以前美军轰炸有所克制，会避开河内）。当时不但北越肺都气炸，中，苏官方和西方主流左媒同声出气，口诛笔伐。北越是被炸弹炸回谈判桌来签停战协议的。1973年10月基辛格和黎德寿获诺贝尔和平奖的喜讯顿时引发无穷争议。有美媒嘲笑：“诺贝尔战争奖？”“挪威人太有幽默感！”因南越尚存，两越打打停停，和平遥遥无期，黎德寿拒绝接受（和平奖历史上至今为止唯一一位拒绝如此殊荣的获奖人）。面对如此争议（全欧反美反战团体准备在奥斯陆颁奖大厅外大游行），基辛格接受诺奖，但以工作忙为借口，谢绝亲自领奖（他请美驻挪威大使从挪威国王手里代领）。
在文城，很多网友（包括全球战略本人）在改开后能有机会来到国外健康发展，不应忘记是基辛格先向文革后期，万马齐喑的中国伸出了友谊之手，光明之手。50年前的中国，仇外，恐战，备战，大兴“深挖洞，广积粮”，一片惊弓之鸟，缺乏泱泱大国的应有气度。周恩来在1971年7月首次和基辛格会谈中，拿到台面上指控美，苏，日“亡我之心不死”，打算瓜分中国。具体是长江以南归美，长江以北归苏，华东沿海归日。一位如此令基辛格敬佩的知识丰富，经验老辣的领导人会有如此受迫害狂想症，当时中国人的心态现在看来十分不可思议。基辛格深入细致，苦口婆心地做周恩来等人的思想工作，非但阐明美国的友好态度，更指出美国既反对苏联欺负中国，也反对日本军国主义复活。当然基辛格并不是天真纯朴。他承认他完全从美国国家利益出发，为对抗苏联，拉拢中国，发展三角关系，这是一步外交大棋。中方在《上海公报》中声明：“一切外国军队都应撤回本国去。”基辛格冷静地对周指出：美军常驻日本，不让日本军国主义冒头，是符合中国战略利益的——同时也符合美国战略利益。这样一系列“对华新思维”的外交举措在客观上为中国在1970年代末期走出文革阴影，放松备战神经，走上改开大道提供了和平的外部环境。
《中美上海公报》是双方外交往来的源泉和基石。全球战略相信绝大多数读者听说过《中美上海公报》，现在谈的多的是有关台湾的部分。但绝大多数读者没有见过中，英全文（可能也没读过任何外交公报）。基辛格和周恩来为了这份划时代的外交公报进行了艰苦的谈判。中方声明以“哪里有压迫，哪里就有反抗”的高调政治口号开头，美方声明相对低调，但也彰显了美国作为自由世界领袖对“自由”的追求。外交史专家基辛格说以前他研究过的世界各国所有外交公报都没有采用这种中方主导的各抒己见的格式，一般双方每一段都共同执笔（类似学术界的coauthoring），对具体分歧都用一些大话空话盖住。1971年10月基辛格第二次来北京为尼克松访华铺路时就带了一份这样传统外交公报的草稿。基辛格深思后接受了中方的格式，所以《中美上海公报》不但在内容上由于两个长期敌对的大国走到一起是革命性的，而且在格式上也是外交公报写作上的革命性创新。很有趣的是基辛格在文件里和回忆录里对“革命性”（revolutionary）这个词根本不用引号。他很为和周一起主导“外交革命”而自豪。他说，这种新格式的优点是在阐述了重大分歧以后，双方的共同声明变得掷地有声，是双方深思熟虑后真诚合作的重大外交成果，而不是俗称“外交语言”的空话套话。
基辛格回忆录节选了英文部分。中方报导自然只有中文。从未看到任何著作有双语版本。全球战略最近从双方政府官网上查到了中，英全文，在此首次并排刊出，可算是填补空白的小小贡献，以飨读者。全世界众多媒体有成千上万，也许只有文城拥有一群优质读者，学贯中西，能用两种语言对这份革命性的外交公报欣赏玩味。
[注] 若有分歧，以英文为准。很抱歉：张贴过程中发现由于文城格式限制，我尽了最大努力，还是无法做到中英左右对应。为方便阅读，全球战略自作主张，将每一段编号（注意原文没有）。两个版本第1段到第5段（外交礼仪和记录）内容一致。但第6段到第9段不同，因双方各自表述（英文版美方先声明，中文版中方先声明）。第10段到第19段（双方共同声明）内容一致。有关台湾部分在第13和14段。
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Joint Communique Following Discussions With Leaders of the People's Republic of China Shanghai, February 27, 1972 (1) President Richard Nixon of the United States of America visited the People's Republic of China at the invitation of Premier Chou En-lai of the People's Republic of China from February 21 to February 28, 1972. Accompanying the President were Mrs. Nixon, U.S. Secretary of State William Rogers, Assistant to the President Dr. Henry Kissinger, and other American officials. (2) President Nixon met with Chairman Mao Tse-tung of the Communist Party of China on February 21. The two leaders had a serious and frank exchange of views on Sino-U.S. relations and world affairs. (3) During the visit, extensive, earnest, and frank discussions were held between President Nixon and Premier Chou En-lai on the normalization of relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, as well as on other matters of interest to both sides. In addition, Secretary of State William Rogers and Foreign Minister Chi P'eng-fei held talks in the same spirit. (4) President Nixon and his party visited Peking and viewed cultural, industrial and agricultural sites, and they also toured Hangchow and Shanghai where, continuing discussions with Chinese leaders, they viewed similar places of interest. (5) The leaders of the People's Republic of China and the United States of America found it beneficial to have this opportunity, after so many years without contact, to present candidly to one another their views on a variety of issues. They reviewed the international situation in which important changes and great upheavals are taking place and expounded their respective positions and attitudes. (6) The U.S. side stated: Peace in Asia and peace in the world requires efforts both to reduce immediate tensions and to eliminate the basic causes of conflict. The United States will work for a just and secure peace: just, because it fulfills the aspirations of peoples and nations for freedom and progress; secure, because it removes the danger of foreign aggression. The United States supports individual freedom and social progress for all the peoples of the world, free of outside pressure or intervention. The United States believes that the effort to reduce tensions is served by improving communication between countries that have different ideologies so as to lessen the risks of confrontation through accident, miscalculation or misunderstanding. Countries should treat each other with mutual respect and be willing to compete peacefully, letting performance be the ultimate judge. No country should claim infallibility and each country should be prepared to re-examine its own attitudes for the common good. (7) The United States stressed that the peoples of Indochina should be allowed to determine their destiny without outside intervention; its constant primary objective has been a negotiated solution; the eight-point proposal put forward by the Republic of Vietnam and the United States on January 27, 1972 represents a basis for the attainment of that objective; in the absence of a negotiated settlement the United States envisages the ultimate withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the region consistent with the aim of self-determination for each country of Indochina. The United States will maintain its close ties with and support for the Republic of Korea; the United States will support efforts of the Republic of Korea to seek a relaxation of tension and increased communication in the Korean peninsula. The United States places the highest value on its friendly relations with Japan; it will continue to develop the existing close bonds. Consistent with the United Nations Security Council Resolution of December 21, 1971, the United States favors the continuation of the ceasefire between India and Pakistan and the withdrawal of all military forces to within their own territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir; the United States supports the right of the peoples of South Asia to shape their own future in peace, free of military threat, and without having the area become the subject of great power rivalry. (8) The Chinese side stated: Wherever there is oppression, there is resistance. Countries want independence, nations want liberation and the people want revolution—this has become the irresistible trend of history. All nations, big or small, should be equal; big nations should not bully the small and strong nations should not bully the weak. China will never be a superpower and it opposes hegemony and power politics of any kind. The Chinese side stated that it firmly supports the struggles of all the oppressed people and nations for freedom and liberation and that the people of all countries have the right to choose their social systems according to their own wishes and the right to safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their own countries and oppose foreign aggression, interference, control and subversion. All foreign troops should be withdrawn to their own countries. (9) The Chinese side expressed its firm support to the peoples of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in their efforts for the attainment of their goal and its firm support to the seven-point proposal of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam and the elaboration of February this year on the two key problems in the proposal, and to the Joint Declaration of the Summit Conference of the Indochinese Peoples. It firmly supports the eight-point program for the peaceful unification of Korea put forward by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on April 12, 1971, and the stand for the abolition of the“U.N. Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea.”It firmly opposes the revival and outward expansion of Japanese militarism and firmly supports the Japanese people's desire to build an independent, democratic, peaceful and neutral Japan. It firmly maintains that India and Pakistan should, in accordance with the United Nations resolutions on the India-Pakistan question, immediately withdraw all their forces to their respective territories and to their own sides of the ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir and firmly supports the Pakistan Government and people in their struggle to preserve their independence and sovereignty and the people of Jammu and Kashmir in their struggle for the right of self-determination. (10) There are essential differences between China and the United States in their social systems and foreign policies. However, the two sides agreed that countries, regardless of their social systems, should conduct their relations on the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, nonaggression against other states, noninterference in the internal affairs of other states, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. International disputes should be settled on this basis, without resorting to the use or threat of force. The United States and the People's Republic of China are prepared to apply these principles to their mutual relations. (11) With these principles of international relations in mind the two sides stated that:
(12) Both sides are of the view that it would be against the interests of the peoples of the world for any major country to collude with another against other countries, or for major countries to divide up the world into spheres of interest. (13) The two sides reviewed the long-standing serious disputes between China and the United States. The Chinese side reaffirmed its position: The Taiwan question is the crucial question obstructing the normalization of relations between China and the United States; the Government of the People's Republic of China is the sole legal government of China; Taiwan is a province of China which has long been returned to the motherland; the liberation of Taiwan is China's internal affair in which no other country has the right to interfere; and all U.S. forces and military installations must be withdrawn from Taiwan. The Chinese Government firmly opposes any activities which aim at the creation of “one China, one Taiwan,”“one China, two governments,”“two Chinas,”and “independent Taiwan”or advocate that “the status of Taiwan remains to be determined.” (14) The U.S. side declared: The United States acknowledges that all Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China. The United States Government does not challenge that position. It reaffirms its interest in a peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question by the Chinese themselves. With this prospect in mind, it affirms the ultimate objective of the withdrawal of all U.S. forces and military installations from Taiwan. In the meantime, it will progressively reduce its forces and military installations on Taiwan as the tension in the area diminishes. (15) The two sides agreed that it is desirable to broaden the understanding between the two peoples. To this end, they discussed specific areas in such fields as science, technology, culture, sports and journalism, in which people-to-people contacts and exchanges would be mutually beneficial. Each side undertakes to facilitate the further development of such contacts and exchanges. (16) Both sides view bilateral trade as another area from which mutual benefit can be derived, and agreed that economic relations based on equality and mutual benefit are in the interest of the people of the two countries. They agree to facilitate the progressive development of trade between their two countries. (17) The two sides agreed that they will stay in contact through various channels, including the sending of a senior U.S. representative to Peking from time to time for concrete consultations to further the normalization of relations between the two countries and continue to exchange views on issues of common interest. (18) The two sides expressed the hope that the gains achieved during this visit would open up new prospects for the relations between the two countries. They believe that the normalization of relations between the two countries is not only in the interest of the Chinese and American peoples but also contributes to the relaxation of tension in Asia and the world. (19) President Nixon, Mrs. Nixon and the American party expressed their appreciation for the gracious hospitality shown them by the Government and people of the People's Republic of China.
[Source] Office of the Historian, U.S. Department of State (https://history.state.gov/ historicaldocuments/Frus1967-76v17/d203, downloaded September 17, 2023, 1718 words) |
中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国联合公报 (“上海公报”)
1972年2月27日 上海
(1) 应中华人民共和国总理周恩来的邀请，美利坚合众国总统理查德·尼克松自一九七二年二月二十一日至二月二十八日访问了中华人民共和国。陪同总统的有尼克松夫人、美国国务卿威廉·罗杰斯、总统助理亨利·基辛格博士和其他美国官员。
(2) 尼克松总统于二月二十一日会见了中国共产党主席毛泽东。两位领导人就中美关系和国际事务认真、坦率地交换了意见。
(3) 访问中，尼克松总统和周恩来总理就美利坚合众国和中华人民共和国关系正常化以及双方关心的其他问题进行了广泛、认真和坦率的讨论。此外，国务卿威廉·罗杰斯和外交部长姬鹏飞也以同样精神进行了会谈。
(4) 尼克松总统及其一行访问了北京，参观了文化、工业和农业项目，还访问了杭州和上海，在那里继续同中国领导人进行讨论，并参观了类似的项目。
(5) 中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国领导人经过这么多年一直没有接触之后，现在有机会坦率地互相介绍彼此对各种问题的观点，对此，双方认为是有益的。他们回顾了经历着重大变化和巨大动荡的国际形势，阐明了各自的立场和态度。
(6) 中国方面声明：哪里有压迫，哪里就有反抗。国家要独立，民族要解放，人民要革命，已成为不可抗拒的历史潮流。国家不分大小，应该一律平等，大国不应欺负小国，强国不应欺负弱国。中国决不做超级大国，并且反对任何霸权主义和强权政治。中国方面表示：坚决支持一切被压迫人民和被压迫民族争取自由、解放的斗争；各国人民有权按照自己的意愿，选择本国的社会制度，有权维护本国独立、主权和领土完整，反对外来侵略、干涉、控制和颠覆。一切外国军队都应撤回本国去。
(7) 中国方面表示：坚决支持越南、老挝、柬埔寨三国人民为实现自己的目标所作的努力，坚决支持越南南方共和国临时革命政府的七点建议以及在今年二月对其中两个关键问题的说明和印度支那人民最高级会议联合声明；坚决支持朝鲜民主主义人民共和国政府一九七一年四月十二日提出的朝鲜和平统一的八点方案和取消“联合国韩国统一复兴委员会”的主张；坚决反对日本军国主义的复活和对外扩张，坚决支持日本人民要求建立一个独立、民主、和平和中立的日本的愿望；坚决主张印度和巴基斯坦按照联合国关于印巴问题的决议，立即把自己的军队全部撤回到本国境内以及查谟和克什米尔停火线的各自一方，坚决支持巴基斯坦政府和人民维护独立、主权的斗争以及查谟和克什米尔人民争取自决权的斗争。
(8) 美国方面声明：为了亚洲和世界的和平，需要对缓和当前的紧张局势和消除冲突的基本原因作出努力。美国将致力于建立公正而稳定的和平。这种和平是公正的，因为它满足各国人民和各国争取自由和进步的愿望。这种和平是稳定的，因为它消除外来侵略的危险。美国支持全世界各国人民在没有外来压力和干预的情况下取得个人自由和社会进步。美国相信，改善具有不同意识形态的国与国之间的联系，以便减少由于事故、错误估计或误会而引起的对峙的危险，有助于缓和紧张局势的努力。各国应该互相尊重并愿进行和平竞赛，让行动作出最后判断。任何国家都不应自称一贯正确，各国都要准备为了共同的利益重新检查自己的态度。
(9) 美国强调：应该允许印度支那各国人民在不受外来干涉的情况下决定自己的命运；美国一贯的首要目标是谈判解决；越南共和国和美国在一九七二年一月二十七日提出的八点建议提供了实现这个目标的基础；在谈判得不到解决时，美国预计在符合印度支那每个国家自决这一目标的情况下从这个地区最终撤出所有美国军队。美国将保持其与大韩民国的密切联系和对它的支持；美国将支持大韩民国为谋求在朝鲜半岛缓和紧张局势和增加联系的努力。美国最高度地珍视同日本的友好关系，并将继续发展现存的紧密纽带。按照一九七一年十二月二十一日联合国安全理事会的决议，美国赞成印度和巴基斯坦之间的停火继续下去，并把全部军事力量撤至本国境内以及查谟和克什米尔停火线的各自一方；美国支持南亚各国人民和平地、不受军事威胁地建设自己的未来的权利，而不使这个地区成为大国竞争的目标。
(10) 中美两国的社会制度和对外政策有着本质的区别。但是，双方同意，各国不论社会制度如何，都应根据尊重各国主权和领土完整、不侵犯别国、不干涉别国内政、平等互利、和平共处的原则来处理国与国之间的关系。国际争端应在此基础上予以解决，而不诉诸武力和武力威胁。美国和中华人民共和国准备在他们的相互关系中实行这些原则。
(11) 考虑到国际关系的上述这些原则，双方声明： ──中美两国关系走向正常化是符合所有国家的利益的； ──双方都希望减少国际军事冲突的危险； ──任何一方都不应该在亚洲－太平洋地区谋求霸权，每一方都反对任何其他国家或国家集团建立这种霸权的努力； ──任何一方都不准备代表任何第三方进行谈判，也不准备同对方达成针对其他国家的协议或谅解。
(12) 双方都认为，任何大国与另一大国进行勾结反对其他国家，或者大国在世界上划分利益范围，那都是违背世界各国人民利益的。
(13) 双方回顾了中美两国之间长期存在的严重争端。中国方面重申自己的立场：台湾问题是阻碍中美两国关系正常化的关键问题；中华人民共和国政府是中国的唯一合法政府；台湾是中国的一个省，早已归还祖国；解放台湾是中国内政，别国无权干涉；全部美国武装力量和军事设施必须从台湾撤走。中国政府坚决反对任何旨在制造“一中一台”、“一个中国、两个政府”、“两个中国”、“台湾独立”和鼓吹“台湾地位未定”的活动。
(14) 美国方面声明：美国认识到，在台湾海峡两边的所有中国人都认为只有一个中国，台湾是中国的一部分。美国政府对这一立场不提出异议。它重申它对由中国人自己和平解决台湾问题的关心。考虑到这一前景，它确认从台湾撤出全部美国武装力量和军事设施的最终目标。在此期间，它将随着这个地区紧张局势的缓和逐步减少它在台湾的武装力量和军事设施。
(15) 双方同意，扩大两国人民之间的了解是可取的。为此目的，他们就科学、技术、文化、体育和新闻等方面的具体领域进行了讨论，在这些领域中进行人民之间的联系和交流将会是互相有利的。双方各自承诺对进一步发展这种联系和交流提供便利。
(16) 双方把双边贸易看作是另一个可以带来互利的领域，并一致认为平等互利的经济关系是符合两国人民的利益的。他们同意为逐步发展两国间的贸易提供便利。
(17) 双方同意，他们将通过不同渠道保持接触，包括不定期地派遣美国高级代表前来北京，就促进两国关系正常化进行具体磋商并继续就共同关心的问题交换意见。
(18) 双方希望，这次访问的成果将为两国关系开辟新的前景。双方相信，两国关系正常化不仅符合中美两国人民的利益，而且会对缓和亚洲及世界紧张局势作出贡献。
(19) 尼克松总统、尼克松夫人及美方一行对中华人民共和国政府和人民给予他们有礼貌的款待，表示感谢。
【来源】中华人民共和国中央政府 (https://www.gov.cn/ztzl/zmdh/content_ 624341.htm#，中国政府网，2023年9月17日下载，字数：2738字 (Asian characters, according to Microsoft Word) |
全球战略精读了基辛格三本共4000页的回忆录后，记了60多页笔记，最后写了一篇书评，原来没打算发表。现在在基辛格仙逝之际，和文城网友分享。原文是全球战略的工作语言：英文。为在文城刊登，我已翻成中文，以飨读者。
【REVIEW OF THE THREE KISSINGER MEMOIRS】 Metternich, Bismarck, Kissinger: I can only name three genius diplomats. But if the influence of Metternich and Bismarck was in Europe, Kissinger's contributions are truly global. As a young boy in China, I grew up hearing Kissinger's name (基辛格) on radio. His penetrating exploits to open China were legendary. His tough and challenging negotiations that brought an end to the Vietnam war were also widely admired. But prior to reading these three volumes, I had little knowledge about his instrumental role in (1) the Middle East peace process, (2) the majority rule in Southern Africa, and (3) the détente negotiations with the Soviet Union, which resulted in four summits and the first SALT agreement.
I am sure more recent (post-Kissinger) politicians and diplomats have written (and will write) some memoirs, but I have little interest in reading them. Part of the reason is that nobody writes like Kissinger, and that I only have time and stomach to read the very best. Kissinger not only has both the encyclopedic knowledge of a historian and the rich experience of a realpolitik practitioner, but also a sharp mind and a lucid pen. For every topic, he would offer an insightful literature review, which in itself is quite enjoyable to read (such as a brief history of South Africa in Volume III). His writing has an almost perfect balance of high-level strategies and low-level tactics as well as anecdotes with some humor. For example, in Volume I, in his gripping account of the first secret journey to China (1971), he planned to fake stomachache during his visit to Pakistan, which would necessitate some“rest”away from the crowd——that was how he could find time to sneak into China. But before he reached Pakistan, he developed a genuine stomachache when visiting India——the legendary“Delhi belly.”The upshot? He had to endure it quietly in order to maintain his credibility when he claimed to have stomachache in Pakistan.
What drama lies in Kissinger's stories! Brazil, Cambodia, Chile, China, Cyprus, Egypt, Europe, India, Israel, Lebanon, Mexico, Pakistan, Rhodesia, South Africa, Soviet Union, Syria, Vietnam . . . Only Kissinger in such a tour de force could have caught the vast sweep of this global drama and spread it before us like an unfolding sea filled with the sparkle and lights of history. Not even in every generation can the world find such an extraordinary statesman. Perhaps one in every century. Kissinger's sheer longevity, surpassing 100 now, is amazing. What is more amazing is that this centenarian recently travelled to Beijing to make sure his diplomatic legacy 50 years ago will not be lost. God bless him! God bless America, China, and the rest of the world!
【拜读基辛格三卷回忆录后的书评】 我只知道有三位天才外交家：梅特涅，俾斯麦，基辛格。但梅特涅和俾斯麦的影响仅在欧洲，基辛格的贡献享誉全球。我小时候在中国长大时就在无线电里听到过基辛格的名字。为了打开中国大门，他深入探索，极富传奇色彩。为了越战的结束，他的艰苦卓绝的谈判也令人尊重。但在读这三卷回忆录以前，我对他在下列外交领域举足轻重的贡献几乎一无所知：（1）中东和平进程，（2）南部非洲黑人多数统治，（3）致力和苏联关系缓和的谈判，导致了四次高峰会议和第一个《限制战略武器条约》。
我相信基辛格以后的政治家们和外交家们已写了（或将会写）一些回忆录，但我对那些回忆录缺乏兴趣。部分原因是没人能像基辛格那样下笔有神，而我只有时间和精力拜读最精彩的大作。基辛格不但有一位历史学家的海量知识和一位地缘政治家的丰富经验，而且思路敏锐，妙笔生花。他对每一个课题一般先来一篇精彩的文献综述，这本身就读来赏心悦目（如第三卷里对南非历史的总结）。在高端战略和低端战术之间，他的作品有几乎完美的平衡，同时他又不忘洒上一些幽默的浇头。比如在第一卷扣人心弦的首次秘密访华（1971）的描述中，他透露他计划在巴基斯坦期间假装腹泻，迫使他中断访问行程，需要避开众人“休息”——这样他能挤出时间潜入中国。但他还没到巴基斯坦，在访问印度时真的腹泻了——著名的“德里拉肚子”（译注：中文缺乏画面感，英文“Delhi belly”既有谐音，又有到了德里抱着肚子猛拉的画面感）。结果，他在印度时只能不声不响闷拉，不然他到巴基斯坦后再次腹泻会显得太不靠谱。
基辛格的外交故事高潮迭起！巴西，柬埔寨，智利，中国，塞浦路斯，埃及，欧洲，印度，以色列，黎巴嫩，墨西哥，巴基斯坦，罗德西亚，南非，苏联，叙利亚，越南（译注：以英文字母为序）。。。只有基辛格才能在如此杰作中将经略全球的宏伟画卷精彩纷呈地展现在我们面前，犹如在无垠的大海上点缀着历史的星辰和光芒。放眼世界，并不是每一代人会出现一位非凡的政治家。也许每一个世纪才会出此奇才。基辛格的高龄和长寿，已过百旬，是惊人的。更惊人的是这位百岁老人最近去了一趟北京，来确保他50年前的外交成就不会流失。上帝保佑他！上帝保佑美国，中国，和整个世界！
【基辛格和全球战略：全文完】
https://blog.wenxuecity.com/myblog/78464/202403/21898.html
对了，不介意的话，等我闲一点了就来你这挑些大作放到我的网站里，这篇肯定是要收藏的：）
学习到跟多知识点，对这位出色的外交家更增敬仰，也愿他老人家在天国里喜乐。谢谢战略，辛苦了。
我本是来告诉你一声，我写了这篇《别上当、莫胡言》，措辞有点激烈，但不是针对你，希望别引起误会：）
https://blog.wenxuecity.com/myblog/78464/202403/11413.html
祝龙年吉祥！：）
50年后，习，拜旧金山高峰会，双方再也无能力谱写共同公报，但基本精神不变。这是美方的“Readout of President Joe Biden’s Meeting with President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China”： "On Taiwan, President Biden emphasized that our one China policy has not changed and has been consistent across decades and administrations. He reiterated that the United States opposes any unilateral changes to the status quo from either side, that we expect cross-strait differences to be resolved by peaceful means, and that the world has an interest in peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait."
Thanks a lot for sharing.
中国的版本里，也指出：“美国方面声明：美国认识到，在台湾海峡两边的所有中国人都认为只有一个中国，台湾是中国的一部分。”
但是，后来中国的官方却篡改了当初的共识，说美国承认台湾是中华人民共和国的一部分。