冯德莱恩 丹麦皇家军事学院 欧洲防务演讲

冯德莱恩总统在丹麦皇家军事学院就欧洲防务发表演讲

Speech by President von der Leyen on European defence at the Royal Danish Military Academy

Mar 17, 2025 

https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/speech_25_814

谢谢您，首相，亲爱的梅特，亲爱的学员们，女士们，先生们，

我很荣幸今天能和你们在一起。没有比那些选择将自己的职业生涯和生命奉献给他人的安全和自由的男女更鼓舞人心的群体了。你们的精神和身体坚韧——你们的责任感和荣誉感——是对你们自己、你们的家人和你们整个国家的证明。这个历史悠久的学院是我选择丹麦谈论安全问题的原因之一。并表明如果欧洲想要避免战争，欧洲必须做好战争准备。

丹麦敏锐地意识到自己的安全和威胁。不仅因为其独特而具有战略意义的地理位置，还因为最近发生的事件：我当然是在谈论乌克兰正在进行的战争和其他战场上的冲突，以及对波罗的海关键基础设施的反复和持续的袭击。当然，还有对包括格陵兰岛在内的北极地区影响力的持续竞争。对于格陵兰岛的所有人民——以及整个丹麦——我想明确表示，欧洲将永远维护主权和领土完整。正是在这种复杂的背景下，我赞扬首相决定在未来两年内将国防开支增加到 GDP 的 3%。这是真正的领导力。

亲爱的学员们，

如果我们回顾从这所学校毕业的每一代学员，他们每个人都面临着自己的挑战。对于那些战后年代的人来说，这是关于在那个危险时期找到自己的出路。几乎就在 1948 年 3 月的这一天，丹麦在你们的安霍尔特岛、莱斯岛和萨姆索岛上驻扎了海军资产。这样做是因为人们非常担心来自东方的攻击迫在眉睫。这些事件最终导致丹麦在次年做出加入北约的历史性决定。而成为北约的一部分意味着，对于后来的几代人来说，他们的职责还包括保护世界和平，帮助确保我们自己的自由。但不知何故，和平红利时代逐渐到来。

人们认为，在冲突时期应该增加国防开支，但在相对和平时期也应该迅速减少国防开支。在北约和跨大西洋联盟的帮助下，这些相对和平的时期似乎是一种永久的状态。事实上，我们很快就说服自己，这个真正特殊的时期，铁幕和柏林墙倒塌，整个国家和人民获得自由，是一种新常态。这导致了国防投资不足，坦率地说，导致了过度自满。我们的对手利用那段时间不仅重新动员，还挑战了管理全球安全的规则。

这让我想到了今天。和平红利的时代早已一去不复返。我们依赖的安全架构不再是理所当然的。势力范围和权力竞争的时代确实又回来了。以俄罗斯为例。我们已经知道它决心剥夺其他国家选择自己道路的权利。现在俄罗斯正走上一条不可逆转的战争经济之路。它大规模扩大了军工生产能力。40% 的联邦预算用于国防。占其 GDP 的 9%。这项投资助长了它在乌克兰的侵略战争，同时也为未来与欧洲民主国家的对抗做准备。就在这些威胁增加的同时，我们看到我们最老的伙伴——美国——将注意力转移到印度太平洋地区。

亲爱的学员们，

我们可能希望这些事情不是真的。或者我们不必如此直言不讳地说出来。但现在是诚实说话的时候了，这样每个欧洲人都能明白利害关系。因为听到这些话的不适与战争的痛苦相比微不足道。只需问问乌克兰的士兵和人民。关键是我们必须看清世界的本来面目——我们必须立即采取行动来面对它。因为一个新的国际秩序将在本世纪下半叶及以后形成。因此，今天我们站在这里，欧洲面临着对其未来的根本选择。我们是否继续以渐进和谨慎的方式应对每个挑战？还是我们准备好抓住这个机会建立一个更安全的欧洲？一个繁荣、自由、随时准备、愿意并能够保卫自己的欧洲。

亲爱的学员们，

答案是明确的。没有选择。欧洲已准备好挺身而出。我们已准备好掌控不可避免的变化。因为我们不能被历史所左右。这意味着，现在采取行动是必须的。到 2030 年，采取大胆行动是实现速度、规模和实力的必要条件。这就是丹麦和其他国家正在做的事情。这就是德国正在决定做的事情

一天。这些决定既具有历史意义，又十分必要。到 2030 年，欧洲必须拥有强大的欧洲防御态势。“2030 年准备就绪”意味着重新武装并发展出具有可靠威慑力的能力。“2030 年准备就绪”意味着拥有具有战略优势的国防工业基础。但要“为 2030 年做好准备”，我们现在就需要采取行动。这就是欧盟的作用所在。需要明确的是：成员国将始终对自己的军队负责，从理论到部署，以及对其武装部队要求的定义。但在欧洲层面还有很多需要做的事情。明天我们将提出“2030 年准备就绪”的路线图。我想简要谈谈四个关键优先事项。

第一个也是最重要的优先事项是增加国防开支。我们都知道国防投资不足已经太久了。自 2021 年以来，成员国的国防开支现已增长了 31% 以上。这更好了——但还不够。仍远低于美国、俄罗斯和中国。重建欧洲防务将需要长期的大规模公共和私人投资。这就是为什么委员会提出了一项计划，为欧洲防务释放 8000 亿欧元的投资。其中包括一种名为 SAFE 的新工具，可以为成员国快速释放 1500 亿欧元。这将帮助我们购买更好、更快、更欧洲化的产品。它将促进联合采购。丹麦主导国家模式就是一个很好的例子。它交付快速可靠。投资应进入需要在欧洲层面采取行动的优先能力领域，与北约保持一致。但我们还需要支持成员国增加自己的国防预算。这就是为什么我们提议启动所谓的“国家逃避条款”。这将使各国在不违反财政规则的情况下，在国防上投入更多资金，从而具有更大的灵活性。这有可能调动高达 GDP 1.5% 的额外国防开支。或者在未来四年内调动约 6500 亿欧元。我们也在努力吸引私人融资——无论是来自欧洲投资银行还是资本市场。

关于我的第二点：我们投资什么——以及我们如何投资——与我们花费多少同样重要。我们必须缩小我们的能力差距。我们必须以欧洲的方式做到这一点。这意味着大规模的泛欧洲合作，以解决优先领域的差距。这从基础设施和军事机动性等基本要素开始。到 2030 年，我们需要一个运转良好的欧盟范围的陆地走廊、机场和海港网络，以方便快速运输部队和军事装备。同时，我们需要投资防空和导弹防御、火炮系统、弹药和导弹。我们必须从战场和现代战争不断变化的性质中吸取教训。我们已经看到了无人机和反无人机系统在乌克兰的重要性。欧洲需要开发所有类型的无人系统及其背后的先进软件和传感器。网络、使用军事人工智能或量子计算也是如此。这些领域项目的规模、成本和复杂性远远超出了任何单个成员国的能力。但作为欧洲人，我们可以共同应对这一挑战。这就是为什么我们必须在这些领域开发大型项目并加强合作采购。这意味着汇集需求、缩短交货时间并确保互操作性。

女士们，先生们，

欧洲防务的第三个优先事项也许是最具战略意义的。那就是增加对乌克兰的支持。这就是我们所说的钢铁豪猪战略。因为我们需要让乌克兰强大到足以让潜在的入侵者无法消化。所以我们需要通过拒绝来投资乌克兰的威慑力量。我们已经做了很多。我们仅军事支持就为乌克兰提供了约 500 亿欧元，并训练了超过 73,000 名乌克兰士兵。我们对乌克兰加入欧盟的支持一如既往地坚定。但我们还有很多事情要做。为了实现这一目标，我们将与乌克兰成立联合工作组，协调欧盟和成员国对乌克兰的军事支持。但乌克兰也可以支持我们。事实上，我们可以从乌克兰国防工业的转型中学到很多东西。其工业基础的创新、速度和规模令人瞩目。这是乌克兰的巨大财富，也是欧洲的蓝图。所以我们需要加快乌克兰融入欧洲国防装备市场的步伐。我们的工业正在向乌克兰的国防工业学习。乌克兰的工业拥有日常战场经验，知道如何及时创新，生产速度更快、更便宜、更智能。

这让我想到了我的第四个优先事项：加强欧洲的国防工业基础。我们有许多具有竞争力和世界领先的国防公司。还有许多正在开发新技术的中小企业

我们处于创新的前沿。但我们的工业基础仍然存在结构性弱点。它还不能以成员国需要的数量和速度生产国防系统和设备。它仍然过于分散，占主导地位的国家参与者只迎合国内市场。我们需要扭转局势。首先要对欧洲进行投资。今天，大部分国防投资都流向了欧洲以外。换句话说：好工作都流向了欧洲以外。研究、开发和创新都流向了欧洲以外。这是不可持续的。我们必须购买更多欧洲产品。因为这意味着加强欧洲国防技术和工业基础。这意味着刺激创新。这意味着为国防设备创建一个欧盟范围的市场。此外，公司需要稳定的多年期订单流来引导投资和提高产能。因此，汇集我们的需求和联合采购就显得更加重要。我们将建立欧洲军事销售机制来帮助实现这一目标。成员国需要能够完全依赖欧洲国防供应链，特别是在紧急需要的时候。欧洲市场将实现这一点。它将成为我们繁荣和工业竞争力以及我们安全的驱动力。它将释放创新、研究和技能。我们将提出一项国防综合计划，以简化规则和法规——从认证到许可再到加入现有合同。我们将与国防工业召开战略对话，研究他们面临的所有障碍。

亲爱的学员们，

我知道我今天向你们传达的信息很严峻。我描绘了一个充满危险的世界。但我们比我们想象的更强大。我们并不孤单。欧洲比以往任何时候都更加团结。它比以往任何时候都更加坚定。它有可以合作和依靠的伙伴、朋友和盟友。安全挑战往往具有全球影响。其他地方发生的事情很快就会发生在我们这里，反之亦然。我们面临的大多数威胁都是跨境的，无论是俄罗斯决心重组；还是混合或网络攻击；还是太空或海上威胁。

这就是为什么我们完全致力于与北约和美国合作。我们的安全是不可分割的。这就是为什么我们正与英国和欧洲、邻国或七国集团内的其他伙伴一起努力在安全领域开辟新天地。从加拿大到挪威，甚至远至印度和亚洲其他地区。

像所有这些国家的所有年轻军校学员一样，你们的一生和事业将致力于建设和确保和平、自由和繁荣。但我希望你们记住，自由不是一个过程。它是一场持续的斗争。我不确定我是否找到了正确的英语单词。但乌克兰语中有一个词。“volia”这个词。“Volia”意味着自由，但也意味着为自由而战的勇气和意志。这是每一代人的责任。这就是我们为之奋斗的目标，因为欧洲不仅仅是一个联盟，它是我们的家园。

谢谢你们，欧洲万岁。

Speech by President von der Leyen on European defence at the Royal Danish Military Academy

Mar 17, 2025 

https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/speech_25_814

Thank you, Prime Minister, dear Mette,

Dear Cadets,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am honoured to be here today with you. There is no more inspirational group of people to speak to than women and men who have chosen to devote their careers and their lives for the security and freedom of others. Your mental and physical fortitude – your sense of duty and honour – are a testament to yourselves, your families, and to your nation as a whole. This historic Academy is one of the reasons I chose Denmark to speak about security. And to make the case that if Europe wants to avoid war, Europe must get ready for war.

Denmark is acutely aware of its own security and threats. Not least because of its unique and strategic geography but also because of recent events: I am of course talking about the ongoing war in Ukraine and conflicts in other theatres but also the repeated and continued attacks on critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. And, of course, the ongoing competition for influence in the Arctic region, including Greenland. To all the people of Greenland – and of Denmark as a whole – I want to be clear that Europe will always stand for sovereignty and territorial integrity. And it is against this complex backdrop that I salute the Prime Minister's decision to increase defence spending to 3% of GDP in the next two years. This is true leadership.

Dear Cadets,

If we look back over each generation of cadets who have graduated from this institution, they have each faced their own challenges. For those in the postwar years, it was about finding their way in that dangerous time. It is almost exactly on this day in March 1948 that Denmark stationed naval assets on your islands of Anholt, Læsø and Samsø. It was done because of very real fears of an imminent attack from the East. These events ultimately led to Denmark's historic decision to join NATO the following year. And being part of NATO meant that for generations that followed, their duty was also about protecting peace across the world to help secure our own freedoms. But somewhere along the line, the era of the peace dividend gradually set in.

The idea took hold that spending on defence should be ramped up during conflict eras – but should just as quickly be driven down in times of relative peace. With the help of NATO and the transatlantic alliance, these times of relative peace seemed to be a permanent state. The truth is we quickly convinced ourselves that this truly exceptional period that saw the Iron Curtain and Berlin Wall come down and entire nations and people set free was a new norm. This led to underinvestment in defence and, frankly, to over-complacency. Our adversaries used that time not only to re-mobilise but also to challenge the rules that govern global security.

And that brings me to today. The era of the peace dividend is long gone. The security architecture that we relied on can no longer be taken for granted. The age of spheres of influence and power competition is well and truly back. Just take Russia. We already know its determination to deny other countries their right to choose their own path. And now Russia is on an irreversible path to creating a war economy. It has massively expanded its military-industrial production capacity. 40% of the federal budget is spent on defence. 9% of its GDP. This investment fuels its war of aggression in Ukraine while preparing it for future confrontation with European democracies. And just as these threats increase, we see our oldest partner – the United States – move their focus to the Indo-Pacific.

Dear Cadets,

We may wish these things were not true. Or that we did not have to say them so bluntly. But now is the time to speak honestly so that every European understands what is at stake. Because the discomfort of hearing these words pales into insignificance with the pain of war. Just ask the soldiers and the people of Ukraine. The point is that we must see the world as it is – and we must act immediately to face up to it. Because a new international order will be formed in the second half of this decade and beyond. So as we stand here today, Europe faces a fundamental choice about its future. Do we keep reacting to each challenge in an incremental and cautious way? Or are we ready to grasp this opportunity to build a more secure Europe? One that is prosperous, free and ready, willing and able to defend itself.

Dear Cadets,

The answer is clear. The choice is none. Europe is ready to step up. We are ready to take control of the change that is inevitable. Because we cannot afford to be pushed around by history. This means, acting now is a must. Acting big is a conditio sine qua non for speed, scale and strength by 2030. This is what Denmark and others are doing. This is what Germany is deciding on today. These decisions are both historic and necessary. By 2030, Europe must have a strong European defence posture. “Readiness 2030” means to have rearmed and developed the capabilities to have credible deterrence. “Readiness 2030” means to have a defence industrial base that is a strategic advantage. But to be “2030 ready”, we need to move now. And that is where the EU comes in. To be clear: Member States will always retain responsibility for their own troops, from doctrine to deployment, and for the definition of the requirements of their armed forces. But there is a lot that is needed at European level. And tomorrow we will present a roadmap for “Readiness 2030”. I would like to briefly touch on four key priorities.

The first and overarching priority is a surge in defence spending. We all know there was an under-investment in defence for too long. Member States' defence spending has now increased by more than 31% since 2021. That is better – but not enough. Still far lower than that of the US, Russia and China. Rebuilding European defence will require massive investment over a sustained period, both public and private. This is why the Commission put forward a plan to unleash EUR 800 billion investment in European defence. This includes a new instrument – called SAFE – that can quickly unlock EUR 150 billion for Member States. This will help us buy better, buy faster, and buy more European. And it will facilitate joint procurement. A good example is the Danish lead-nation model. It delivers fast and reliably. Investments should go into priority capability domains for which action is necessary at European level, in alignment with NATO. But we also need to support Member States to increase their own defence budgets. This is why we are proposing to activate what we call the National Escape Clause. This will give countries much more flexibility to spend more on defence without falling foul of fiscal rules. This holds the potential to mobilise additional defence expenditure of up to 1.5% of GDP. Or some EUR 650 billion over the next four years. And we are working to draw in also private financing – whether from the EIB or on the capital markets.

To my second point: What we invest in – and how we invest – is just as important as how much we spend. We must close our capability gaps. And we must do this in a European way. That means large-scale, pan-European cooperation to address gaps in priority areas. That starts with fundamentals like infrastructure and military mobility. By 2030, we need a functioning EU-wide network of land corridors, airports and seaports that facilitate the fast transport of troops and military equipment. At the same time, we need to invest in air and missile defence, artillery systems, ammunition and missiles. And we have to learn the lessons from the battlefield and the changing nature of modern warfare. We have seen the importance of drones and counter-drone systems in Ukraine. Europe needs to develop all types of unmanned systems and the advanced software and sensors behind them. The same goes for cyber, or using military AI, or quantum computing. The scale, cost and complexity of projects in these areas go far beyond any single Member States' capacity. But together as Europeans, we can master this challenge. This is why we must develop large-scale projects and step up collaborative procurement in these areas. That means pooling demand, shorten lead times and ensure interoperability.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The third priority for European defence is perhaps the most strategic. And that is increasing support for Ukraine. This is what we call the steel porcupine strategy. Because we need to make Ukraine strong enough to be indigestible for potential invaders. So we need to invest in Ukraine's strength in deterrence through denial. We have done a lot already. We have supported Ukraine with about EUR 50 billion in military support alone and trained more than 73,000 Ukrainian troops. And our support for Ukraine's accession to the European Union remains as strong as ever. But there is a lot more that we can do. To help make this a reality, we will set up a joint Task Force with Ukraine to coordinate the EU's and Member States' military support to Ukraine. But Ukraine can support us too. In fact, there is a lot that we can learn from the transformation of Ukraine's defence industry. The innovation, speed and scale of its industrial base is remarkable. It is a huge asset for Ukraine, and it is a blueprint for Europe. So we need to speed up Ukraine's integration in the European defence equipment market. And our industry is learning from Ukraine's defence industry. Ukraine's industry has the daily battlefield experience, how to innovate just in time and produce faster, cheaper, and more intelligent.

This brings me to my fourth priority: strengthening Europe's defence industrial base. We have many competitive and world leading defence companies. And many SMEs that are developing new technologies at the cutting edge of innovation. But our industrial base still has structural weaknesses. It is not yet able to produce defence systems and equipment in the quantities and speed that Member States need. It remains too fragmented with dominant national players catering to domestic markets. We need to turn the tide. It starts with investment in Europe. Today, the majority of defence investment goes outside Europe. In other words: good jobs outside Europe. Research, development and innovation outside Europe. This is not sustainable. We must buy more European. Because that means strengthening the European defence technological and industrial base. That means stimulating innovation. And that means creating an EU-wide market for defence equipment. In addition, companies need a steady stream of multi-year orders to steer investment and ramp up capacity. Pooling our demand and joint procurement is therefore even more important. We will set up a European Military Sales Mechanism to help make this happen. Member States need to be able to fully rely on European defence supply chains, especially in times of urgent need. And a European market would deliver that. It will be a driver for our prosperity and industrial competitiveness as much as for our security. It will unleash innovation, research and skills. We will put forward a Defence Omnibus to simplify rules and regulations – from certification to permitting to joining existing contracts. And we will convene a Strategic Dialogue with the Defence Industry to look at all the obstacles they face.

Dear Cadets,

I know that my message to you today was stark. I painted a picture of a world fraught with danger. But we are stronger than we think. And we are not in this alone. Europe is more united than ever. It is more determined than ever. And it has partners, friends and allies that it can work with and count on. Security challenges often have global implications. What happens elsewhere can quickly happen over here and vice-versa. And most of the threats we face are cross-border, whether that is a Russia determined to regroup; or hybrid or cyberattacks; or threats in space or at sea.

So that is why we are fully committed to working with NATO and the United States. Our security is indivisible. That is why we are working to break new ground on security with the United Kingdom and other partners within Europe, in our neighbourhood or within the G7. From Canada to Norway. And even as far afield as India and other parts of Asia.

Like all young cadets in all of those countries, your lives and careers will be devoted to building and securing peace, freedom and prosperity. But I would like you to remember that freedom is not a process. It is a constant struggle. I am not sure whether I have the right English word. But there is a word in Ukrainian. The word “volia”. “Volia” means freedom, but it also means courage and will to fight for freedom. That is every generation's duty. That is what we are working for, because Europe is more than a Union, it is our home.

Thank you and long live Europe.

冯德莱恩：欧盟支持丹麦捍卫主权和领土完整

 

 

　　新华社哥本哈根3月18日电（记者张玉亮）欧盟委员会主席冯德莱恩18日在丹麦首都哥本哈根发表讲话说，欧盟支持丹麦捍卫包括格陵兰岛在内的主权和领土完整。

　　冯德莱恩当天与丹麦官员就欧洲安全与防务问题进行了讨论。冯德莱恩说：“我要向格陵兰人民和所有丹麦人民表明，欧盟将始终（支持）捍卫主权和领土完整。”

　　冯德莱恩在讲话中提及俄乌冲突以及包括格陵兰岛在内的北极地区的地缘政治竞争时强调，面对威胁，欧洲必须加强防御能力。“如果欧洲想要避免战争，欧洲就必须为战争做好准备。”

　　格陵兰岛位于北美洲东北部，是世界第一大岛。该岛是丹麦的自治领地，有高度自治权，国防和外交事务由丹麦政府掌管。美国目前在格陵兰岛有一座主要军事基地。去年美国总统选举后，美国总统特朗普屡次表达夺取格陵兰岛控制权的强烈意愿，还称不排除通过“军事或经济胁迫”手段夺取该岛控制权的可能性。