安瓦尔 他们想控制话语权，我们不再接受

马来西亚总理称加强与中国关系有意义，外交部：赞赏表态

www.guancha.cn 2024-06-17 

 

6月17日，外交部发言人林剑主持例行记者会。会上有记者提问，据报道，马来西亚总理安瓦尔日前接受媒体采访称，马来西亚加强与中国的关系是有意义的，因为中方愿意接纳和倾听马方建议和关切，包括助力马方发展数字经济、可再生能源和人工智能。外交部对此作出回应。

 

发言人林剑表示，我们注意到有关报道，赞赏安瓦尔总理的有关表态。中国和马来西亚是隔海相望的传统友好邻邦，建交50年来，无论国际形势如何变化，中马始终是坦诚互信，守望相助的好朋友、真朋友。

 

中方期待同马方弘扬传统友谊，深化拓展各领域合作，推动中马命运共同体建设走深走实。中方一贯坚定支持包括马来西亚在内的东盟国家团结自强，维护东盟的中心地位和包容性的区域架构。中方将继续秉持开放合作、互利共赢的理念，同东盟国家一道构建更为紧密的中国—东盟命运共同体。

马来西亚总理安瓦尔对话李世默：他们想控制话语权，但我们不能再接受！

www.guancha.cn 2024-06-16 

 

1996年，时任马来西亚副总理安瓦尔在其著作《亚洲复兴》中，勾勒了一种愿景：亚洲可以复兴到与“全球北方”相媲美的程度，亚洲国家可以在求同存异中走向繁荣。

两年后，安瓦尔因与时任总理马哈蒂尔政见不合而被“踢”出内阁，昔日的“接班人”从此投身反对党运动，更两度被投入监狱。2022年，75岁的安瓦尔第三次向总理之位发起冲击，终获成功，于当年11月宣誓就职。

 

上任伊始，安瓦尔总理提出以“永续、繁荣、创新、尊重、信任、关怀”六大原则为基础的“昌明大马”执政理念，希望维护社会团结、提高人民生活水平、改善营商环境，引领马来西亚走向昌明社会。在外交领域，他重视与东盟、中国的关系，也多次强调马来西亚不会“选边站”。

 

6月13日，北京对话发起人、观察者网董事长李世默在马来西亚总理府与安瓦尔深入交流。近一小时的对话由“亚洲复兴”展开，探讨在单极时代走向终结的今天，亚洲和伊斯兰世界将在多极化的世界中扮演什么角色？觉醒的“全球南方”要如何形成团结一致的力量，应对全球挑战？马来西亚如何与中、美等大国相处？

 

对话中，安瓦尔还分享了他对加沙危机、俄乌冲突、供应链安全、美元霸权等问题的看法，并深情回顾了他政治道路上跌落低谷的艰难岁月。

 

以下为对话全文实录：

 

亚洲复兴，不只是经济

 

李世默：总理先生，我仰慕你很多年了，不是几年，而是几十年。上世纪90年代，我还是一名研究生，那时我们生活在兴奋和困惑之中。兴奋是因为全球化带来的经济增长，困惑是因为我们被告知历史正在“终结”，我们都将成为美国，所有国家都只有一条路可走，我们都要放弃自己的政治、文化甚至宗教和传统，接受西方价值观。然后，我的一个同学把这本书递给了我。还记得吗？

 

安瓦尔：是的。

 

李世默：这是原书，里面的纸张都已经变脆了。结束采访后，我想请你在上面签名。

那时，我们在朋友之间传阅这本书，它给我带来了思想上的震撼——我们也能有属于自己的复兴？在我的印象中，你可能是第一位以文明的语境来谈论亚洲的政治领袖，对我的人生、对我这一代亚洲人都产生了影响，直到现在。

 

 The Asian renaissance《亚洲复兴》，安瓦尔著

 

 

我想提的第一个问题是，在1995年或1996年，当我们看似都将不可避免地走向西方自由主义社会时，你是怎么预见到另一种未来的？第二个问题是，30年过去了，这样的未来就在我们眼前。展望未来，我们生活在一个动荡的世界，一切似乎都在发生剧变，在世界历史的这个关口，你如何看待亚洲文明圈？你使用了“昌明”（Madani）这个词，它的含义非常丰富，有很多不同的解释，就马来西亚、亚洲乃至全世界而言，你所说的Madani究竟是什么意思？

安瓦尔：谢谢你的提问，世默。你一开始就提出了一系列非常复杂的问题。你远道而来，这让我很感动。我想说的是，上世纪90年代是经济繁荣、成功的时期，以至于世界银行出版了《东亚奇迹》（1993年）这份报告。当时，我对我的同行——国际货币基金组织的米歇尔·康德苏（Michel Camdessus，1987年1月-2000年2月任国际货币基金组织总裁）和世界银行的沃尔芬森（James Wolfensohn，1995年6月-2005年5月任世界银行行长）说：“非常感谢你们，但要知道，我们仍然要努力解决城乡之间严重不平等、贫富差距大、赤贫和落后的治理能力。”他们非常震惊。通常情况下，我们会正面接受外界的称赞。但我认为，那样我们社会就会骄傲自满。

当时还有一种趋势，你必须遵循他们（西方）的“处方”，无论是经济、文化还是政治，那是亨廷顿（Samuel P. Huntington）广受欢迎的时代，他也得到了我们现在的朋友福山（Francis Fukuyama）的支持，他写了《历史的终结》。很多精英都相信这些，但对我来说，这都是胡扯。真正有思辨能力的人不会相信。只有那些不懂亚洲历史和伟大传统文明的人才会相信西方的“处方”。中国人、印度人、马来人或穆斯林，亚洲文明交相辉映，这些几千年的文化和文明不能被暂时的经济繁荣所抹去。我想说，为什么我们亚洲人不能在从东方和西方获得技术或成功的同时，保留一些我们自己的传统、文化和知识呢？

点击查看大图

弗朗西斯·福山（视觉中国）

我的意思是，我在这里和马来人、马来西亚华人、印度人一起成长，我看到这些族群在某些方面可以非常现代、非常西方，但他们也坚守自己的传统和文化。这促使我看到了改变范式的重要性。孝道也是必不可少的，这在很大程度上是孔子的价值观、文化、道德和伦理，这将极大地帮助我们制定良治的原则。我们可以是普世的，也可以很亚洲。这就是为什么我谈到亚洲的复兴，这不仅是经济赋权，也是文化赋权。

现在转向下一个问题，关于“Madani”。当你谈论复兴，谈论经济成就、谈论文化和文明时，“Madani”实际上是这个问题的延伸。当我第一次见到习近平主席时，我就被他吸引了，因为习主席是为数不多谈论文明的杰出领导人之一，从某种意义上说，他是独一无二的。习主席的理念和我们的“Madani”概念可以很好地结合。

当然，经济是根本，人民需要安居乐业，但文化也很重要，因为这是我们独特的方式和价值观，这些都深深根植于文明的问题中。这就是“Madani”的本质，它有伊斯兰的根源，有它的文化根源，有亚洲根源，并且在一个多种族的社会中，我还注入了中国价值观和印度价值观，让它变得更加包容。

李世默：多元、包容。

安瓦尔：是的。

The Asian Renaissance

By Anwar Ibrahim. Malaysia  1996, l 

The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 

It is not my habit to make public statements on political leaders and I usuaHy
prefer to hold my views private. But with my close friend and brother, Anwar
Ibrahim, the deputy prime minister and finance minister of Malaysia, I have no
hesitation. I have known him for over 20 years and he has always been a model
of virtue because he combines truthfulness with sincerity. Thi shows in his
actions both personally and professionally. From being an idealistic young man
he grew into one of the most important political leaders of Malaysia. The good
qualities he had when he was a promising young leader have not left him, in pite
of the whithering effect politics can have on one's character. Anwar is now just
as honest and sincere, humble and charitable as he was when I first met him over
20 year ago. Throughout this time, he has been strict with him elf and generous with others. demonstrating a true nobility. Above all, he has striven according to the dictum that "there is no right superior to the right of truth."

Unfortunately, too few people have striven for the truth which Anwar has pursued, leading us to the crisis in the world today. In the East, failure to think has
lead to passive decay wmle in the West, thinking too much and often wrongly 
Book Reviews 287

has lead to active decay. Anwar is neither willing to sleep over the truth, nor live
in error, and he strives against both in his new book, The Asian Renaissance. In
it, he argues for action based on wisdom and sets out many of his visions and
policy positions in a finely composed and edited collection of speeches and articles that he has delivered over the last few years. Anwar argues against replacing the passive decay of the East with another ideology that is full of errors and
leads to false activity. Anwar is unique in seeking to oppose these false ideologies with the wisdom of the East. To the proponents of dynamism for its own
sake, Anwar responds that dynamism can never be meaningful or effective outside the truth “pure and simple.” He recognizes that it is senseless to substitute
one error for another, whether it is “dynamic” or not. The first thing he does
when he arrives at any new post is intensive study and comework from both
traditional and contemporary sources, following the wisdom to “seek knowledge even if it be in China.” One must strive for the truth before strength and
efficacy, and must apply knowledge sincerely. He knows that if a truth does not
give strength, one has not really grasped it. Anwar recognizes that it is necessary to be dynamic in the light of the truth, not to change the truth to justify inaction.
In the opening chapter, Anwar argues that eternal truths guide action. He
points out that the “Renaissance” referred to in the book‘s title does not imply
imitation of the European Renaissance; rather, it refers to the spiritual reawakening of the eternal truths lying dormant in the East. In fact, the Asian
Renaissance opposes the European Renaissance, which attempted to resurrect
the Promethean man in his rebellion against Heaven “as an agent independent
of the theological and natural order” (p. 18). Anwar argues that this is an
inversion of the Islamic concept of man as God’s vicegerent on earth (khafifat
Allahfi af-ard), as well as the Confucianjen and the Christian “Imugo Dei or
Ponrifex, the bridge between Heaven and earth” (p. 18). As his broad range of
references from different religious traditions demonstrates, Anwar believes
that the theosophies of Asia, such as Confucianism, Taoism, Hinduism,
Buddhism, and the wisdom therein, as well as the impact of Islam in the region
give the Asian Renaissance a strong spiritual foundation on which to build
civilization. He recognizes that the Truth uniting all religions is God, the
Absolute, and that everything relative is attached to the Absolute--corresponding to the two fundamental witnesses in Islam: “There is no divinity but
Allah” and Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah.’’ In this sense, Anwar discerns that more than one civilization has approached the “mountain of truth,”
and that it has more than one side to be seen. Some people may cynically
argue that Anwar’s position is politically motivated; however, I know that he
has held the same position since has was a young idealist when he asserted
that God has sent prophets to every nation.
According to Anwar, Asia’s spiritual foundation is intrinsic to the renaissance now underway. It stands in direct opposition to the secular view that the
Asian Renaissance is based upon a rejection of spiritual principles and that the
“mountain of truth” uniting the religions must be denied to make the East
“dynamic.” Anwar opposes this proposal for active decay by arguing that the
Asian Renaissance is sustainable only by the application of truth, not error, to
a new environment. He applies this vision to the social, political, and economic realms in the follow chapters. The guiding principle from which Anwar 
288 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 142
derives policy for all meas of life is the truth that man is homo viaror, or “a
being mated for a higher pwpose.”
In the second chapter, Anwar describes the dialogue and symbiosis between
the East and the West. In this regard, Anwar strives not to compromise the
truth in his criticism of both. Indeed, any act of criticism based on spiritual
principles is an act of charity in the profoundest sense, and Anwar seeks to
deliver it here. Some Muslims are afraid to tell the mth out of fear of appearmg discourteous, or showing pr dub. However, the Prophet had perfect
odab and asserted the Truth in a direct and open manner. He never sadiced
Truth for the sake of udab and I believe Anwar endeavors to follow the ethics
of prophethood in this matter. He points out the weaknesses of both the East
and the West and the need for one to learn from the other. Anwar suggests that
the West can benefit from the traditional wisdom of the East to replace its
false activity with a true rest. He also suggests that the East should replace its
false rest with a true activity guided by spiritual principles, and calls for a dialogue between East and West. However, a dialogue requires two parties who
believe they can learn something from the other. While many believers from
the different faiths are ready for constructive dialogue, I do not believe the
secularists are humble enough yet to learn from the people of traditional wisdom. There is little mom for dialogue when one party is full of itself.
In the third and fourth chapters, @war moves to the political and legal
domains, respectively, where he has served so admirably. Concerning politics,
Anwar maintains that one cannot postpone or avoid the question of man’s ultimate aim and purpose. Indeed, politics regulates man’s common or social life,
and man is dependent upon support from the community. It follows that either
one recognizes God as the Absolute and pursues politics mindful of the eternal destiny of man or one believes that there are no higher obligations, leading one to fall under the attraction of Machiavellianism in which politics is the
art of taking and maintaining power for private gain. There is no supportable
middle position as the secular humanists claim because there is no good-will
without God. Anwar, therefore, argues for democracy and justice based on
spiritual principles. He suggests that these principles require one to fulfill
one’s duties, not simply to insist on rights, and that the secular argument for
unconditional rights without responsibility leads to the destruction of society
and the loss of authentic democracy. “He who does not observe the rights of
God is bound to abuse the rights of the people.” Anwar envisions that a
democracy based on spiritual realities will look quite different from its sentimental, secular counterpart.
A brief cautionary note is in order here regarding Anwar’s selection of
quotes from various Western sources which are included in the English edition. The reader should not interpret Anwar’s favorable quotation of a given
individual as an endorsement of the person’s argument. For example, Anwar
quotes John Lock favorably regarding the “inviolability of human life and
property” @. 52). However, Loch was also the father British empiricism and
denied the epistemological basis of knowing the traditional mths which guide
Anwar‘s spiritual approach to policy. Starting with a passional error, Lock
pnwxeds logically to conclusions on politics that are nevertheless passional
opiniorrP and may accidentally coincide with reality. In quoting such opinions.
Anwar endorses the conclusion based on spiritual realities, not the flawed
argument leading to the quoted conclusion. In this sense, it would be pre- 
Book Reviews 289
ferrable to qualify favorable quotations from these sources to avoid confusing
readers who are not familiar with the arguments behind them.
In chapters five and six, Anwar moves to the economic domain in which he
has achieved so much success. He argues that the separation of ethics and economics is false, and that all activities should be integrated around a “Sacred
Center.” Anwar denies that economic choices can be reduced to quantitative
considerations, and that different ends exist qualitatively. Secular economics
abstracts from God and attaches all things to utility, making the relative
absolute and limiting economics to quantitative considerations of “more” or
“less” utility while denying the qualitative existence of intrinsic “good“ and
“evil.” Anwar opposes this, arguing that economics is applied ethics that
addresses the qualitative choices man must face as homo viafur, and as representative of God whose choices conform to His design for the world.
While chapter five focuses on comptive economics, chapter six focuses
on specific areas of concern for social welfare, such as productivity, taxation,
and privatization. Anwar has an impressive track record in this area. Serving
as finance minister during a period in which Malaysia grew dramatically, he
instituted policies that ensured that the poor were not left out of this prosperity. He introduced low-cost housing and worked with businesses to arrange for
interest-free loans to ensure that the needy had suitable homes. His concern
with ethics and his unwillingness to neglect those who were not powerful
enough to stand up for themselves prove his sincerity. His stellar performance
earned Anwar the confidence of Western leaders. Former prime minister of
Great Britain, Margaret Thatcher, noted, that if Britain wants a solution to its
economic problems, then Britain should borrow Anwar.
Finally, Anwar concludes his book with chapters on culture, Islam in
Southeast Asia, and Asia in the future. Throughout these chapters, he applies
the spiritual principles set forward at the beginning of the book to resolve
problems and answer questions in each area. Although believers may sincerely draw different implications from the truth that God is the Absolute and all
things are attached to God, no sincere believer can dispute that this is the right
approach to respond to the passive and active decay of both the East and the
West. Anwar argues that this is the only basis on which the Asian Renaissance
can be sustained.
Perhaps the main lesson of The Asian Renuissunce is that there should be no
activity outside the truth. Although this may not guarantee success, it is the
first principle of action. I know Anwar has always striven to fulfill his duty
without asking whether he would be successful or not-his faithfulness to
principles has its own intrinsic value. The logically and spiritually correct
activity which Anwar smves for can have incalculable effects in the spiritual
reawakening of the East. It can also provide a truly spiritual model for the
West. One of my friends said that Anwar’s book is the region’s manifesto for
the 20th century. I think he was right. Taha Jabir al-‘Alwani
President, School of Islamic and Social Sciences
Leesburg, Virginia

责任编辑: 王恺雯