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神圣的誓言:非常时期国防部长的回忆录

(2023-08-03 08:48:54) 下一个

神圣的誓言:非常时期国防部长的回忆录

https://www.amazon.ca/Sacred-Oath-Memoirs-Secretary-Extraordinary/dp/006314431X

作者:马克·T·埃斯珀 2022 年 5 月 10 日

前国防部长马克·T·埃斯珀 (Mark T. Esper) 揭露了他在特朗普政府任职期间混乱的任期中令人震惊的细节。

从 2019 年 6 月到 2020 年 11 月大选后被特朗普总统解雇,国务卿马克·T·埃斯珀 (Mark T. Esper) 领导国防部度过了历史上前所未有的时期——这段时期的特点是国外威胁和冲突日益严重,一场百年未有的全球大流行病 两代人以来最严重的国内动荡,白宫似乎一心要打破公认的规范和惯例以获取政治利益。 《神圣誓言》是埃斯珀国务卿对那些非凡而危险的时代的朴实而坦率的回忆录,其中包括以前从未讲述过的事件和时刻。

A Sacred Oath: Memoirs of a Secretary of Defense During Extraordinary Times 

https://www.amazon.ca/Sacred-Oath-Memoirs-Secretary-Extraordinary/dp/006314431X

by Mark T. Esper  May 10 2022

Former Secretary of Defense Mark T. Esper reveals the shocking details of his tumultuous tenure while serving in the Trump administration.

From June of 2019 until his firing by President Trump after the November 2020 election, Secretary Mark T. Esper led the Department of Defense through an unprecedented time in history—a period marked by growing threats and conflict abroad, a global pandemic unseen in a century, the greatest domestic unrest in two generations, and a White House seemingly bent on breaking accepted norms and conventions for political advantage. A Sacred Oath is Secretary Esper’s unvarnished and candid memoir of those extraordinary and dangerous times, and includes events and moments never before told.

关于作者(2022)
马克·T·埃斯珀 (Mark T. Esper) 于 2019 年至 2020 年担任国防部长,并于 2017 年至 2019 年担任陆军部长。他是西点军校的杰出毕业生,服役了 21 年,其中包括参加 1991 年海湾战争。 埃斯珀获得博士学位。 他在乔治华盛顿大学获得博士学位,同时在国会山和五角大楼担任政治任命者。 他还曾担任一家著名智库、多个商业协会和委员会以及一家财富 100 强科技公司的高级管理人员。 埃斯珀曾获得多项民事和军事奖项,目前担任多个公共政策和商业委员会的成员。About the author (2022)
Mark T. Esper served as secretary of defense from 2019 to 2020 and as secretary of the Army from 2017 to 2019. A distinguished graduate of West Point, he spent twenty-one years in uniform, including a combat tour in the 1991 Gulf War. Esper earned a Ph.D. from George Washington University while working on Capitol Hill and at the Pentagon as a political appointee. He was also a senior executive at a prestigious think tank, at various business associations and commission, and at a Fortune 100 technology company. Esper is the recipient of multiple civilian and military awards, and currently sits on several public policy and business boards. 

神圣的誓言:非常时期国防部长的回忆录

https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Media/News/News-Article-View/Article/3197341/a-sacred-oath-memoirs-of-a-secretary-of-defense-during-extraordinary-times/

作者:托马斯·F·林奇三世 联合部队季刊 107

托马斯·F·林奇三世博士是国防大学国家战略研究所战略研究中心的杰出研究员。

《神圣的誓言:非常时期国防部长的回忆录》是特朗普政府前国防部长马克·埃斯珀 (Mark Esper) 的叙述,讲述了他动荡的 17 个月任期,并以 2020 年 11 月被特朗普解雇而告终。 对于所有军人和文职军事专业人员来说,神圣誓言面临着一个至关重要的首要问题:我如何忠实地遵守我的宣誓,保护和捍卫美国宪法免受所有外国和国内敌人的侵害? 当涉及到在面对来自白宫本身的国内安全威胁时要坚守作为一名高级文职政治任命者的誓言时,这个问题尤其尖锐。 没有完美的答案,但背景因素有助于确定国防部 (DOD) 高级官员是否应该提出辞职,而不是留下来并助长威胁以期缓和威胁。

《神圣誓言》讲述了埃斯珀为什么选择继续担任特朗普四任国防部长中的第三任,尽管所有危险信号都警告说,这样的选择对国家和埃斯珀个人都不利。 埃斯珀的回答分为两部分:他向宪法宣誓,如果他辞职以抗议特朗普白宫提出的众多危险的国防和安全想法,那么下一任代理国务卿可能会是某人 真正准备好并愿意执行特朗普的冲动——而这将严重损害国家。 让这种叙事坚持下来的负担很高,埃斯珀很难满足它。 一方面,埃斯珀没有充分解决有关他作为国务卿的选择或他的权力基础的重要相关问题,另一方面,与更普遍理解的对遵守宪法宣誓的整体无私的解释相比,埃斯珀 似乎依赖于一个要求较低的标准。

《神圣誓言》没有完全解决的许多重要问题之一是埃斯珀最初为何担任国务卿。 2017 年至 2019 年,他曾短暂担任特朗普政府陆军部长 19 个月。埃斯珀毕业于西点军校,曾任现役陆军步兵军官和陆军预备役军人,还曾短暂担任过副助理国防部长。 谈判政策,曾在国会山担任多年工作人员,然后担任中层国防工业游说者。 因此,埃斯珀似乎很适合担任陆军部长,尽管他是政府的第三选择。 但埃斯珀担任国务卿的资格如何呢?

自 20 世纪 40 年代末设立该职位以来,经国会确认的秘书一般都拥有其职位权力的三个主要个人资格之一:之前在非常高级的行政或立法部门安全领导职位上做出过杰出贡献; 行业经验,具有相关的国防理念或敏锐度; 或与总统的个人友谊和值得信赖的工作关系。 这些资格使部长们在制定国防部议程或管理具有挑战性的安全环境时拥有发言权和权威。 埃斯珀没有让他们中的任何一个人来做这份工作。 与历史上的国务卿权力基础相比,他过去的职位显得黯然失色。

因此,埃斯珀在讲述他 2019 年 6 月出任国务卿的举动时显得过于斯巴达,毫无帮助。 他让我们知道特朗普不喜欢退役美国海军陆战队将军吉姆·马蒂斯担任第一任政府部长,但没有明确表示马蒂斯于 2018 年 12 月辞职,原因是对特朗普对国家安全的威胁的明显担忧——从对美国安全伙伴的令人震惊的待遇到鲁莽的行为 美国从叙利亚、伊拉克、阿富汗和北大西洋公约组织撤军的阴谋。 埃斯珀的讲述中也没有提到米利和厄本的名字。 自特朗普于 2018 年 12 月宣布时任陆军参谋长马克·米利 (Mark Milley) 出任下一任参谋长联席会议主席以来,他一直与白宫保持着良好的关系。大卫·厄本 (David Urban) 是埃斯珀 1986 年西点军校的同学,也是宾夕法尼亚州陆军参谋长联席会议主席。 在特朗普 2016 年总统竞选期间,他仍然是一位在政府人事问题上著名的特朗普低语者,尤其是关于他在特朗普轨道上的许多西点军校同学。 这两个因素是埃斯珀相当奇怪的选择的重要因素吗?

缺失的细节很重要,因为埃斯珀告诉我们,他亲眼目睹了特朗普在陆军政策问题上鲁莽地进进出出,不顾国务卿马蒂斯或国家安全顾问 H.R. 麦克马斯特的建议。 马蒂斯和麦克马斯特于 2018 年辞职,是因为他们对宪法宣誓,而不是继续错误地履行宪法。

从第一章开始,埃斯珀就提供了有关总统安全指令的鲜明细节,从荒谬到危险。 他讲述了特朗普要求美军射击华盛顿特区和平抗议者的腿,要求国防部考虑向墨西哥发射爱国者导弹以阻止非法难民涌入,并鼓动动员国民警卫队并将其从共和党统治的州撤出的情况。 进入民主党统治的组织,“对 Antifa 采取更强硬的态度”,等等。 埃斯珀将特朗普视为对国家安全的明显威胁,似乎是为了让我们相信,他的誓言意味着他必须留下来,以确保不会产生比其他情况下更可怕的结果。 这是真的?

在这里,背景对于正确的分析很重要,埃斯珀在第 18 章为读者提供了一个背景宝石,这也许是本书最重要的见解,其中埃斯珀试图表明他的反击程度达到了特朗普考虑解雇他的程度: “我与白宫关系密切的朋友说,虽然特朗普很生气,但他不会解雇我。 他自己的连任仍然优先于他的报复愿望。” 埃斯珀是否充分运用这些知识来维护和捍卫宪法? 他是否利用这一洞察力,全面防止危害国家利益的有害思想和指令? 他的讲述中没有。 相反,埃斯珀反复思考许多天他想知道自己是否会被总统解雇。 读者如何解决这个问题呢? 埃斯珀怎么可能在 2020 年 11 月之前就知道自己的防火政治外衣,却始终害怕被解雇,不威胁辞职,并且没有对特朗普白宫的推文和新闻声明发表公开声明,这些声明一次又一次危险地凌驾于国防部专业顾问之上?

真正的答案似乎与他对宪法宣誓的有限解释有关。 埃斯珀继续担任国务卿并保持其政党的好感的个人利益没有得到解决。 毫无疑问,埃斯珀确实在幕后反对特朗普一些最古怪的国家安全想法,这很有帮助。 在这样做的过程中,埃斯珀冒了一些个人风险,但并未承担全部风险。 埃斯珀回忆道,更多时候,他默许了荒谬的行为,并合理化认为他的努力抑制了更糟糕的安全结果。 如果总统和他的2019-2020年顾问们像埃斯珀所代表的那样失控,那么他有一个强有力的选择——甚至可能有责任——威胁辞职以制止这种疯狂,而不仅仅是坚持下去。 面对 2019 年和 2020 年政府对美国国家安全的连续威胁,埃斯珀没有用辞职威胁来筑起一座具体的屏障,而是透露,他愿意在这位全副武装的总统面前扔图钉。 改选巴士配备防爆轮胎。

埃斯珀在《像麦克白夫人一样的神圣誓言》中向他的读者请求我们赦免他的“该死的地方”,因为他助长了特朗普政府对国家安全的许多(尽管不是全部)威胁。 很难答应他这个要求。 埃斯珀可能推迟或转移了一些最危险的白宫国防想法和指令,但远远不足以证明他对宪法的忠诚。 读者可能会为埃斯珀所描述的担任国务卿期间所遭受的反复羞辱感到一些悲伤,同时仍然想知道是否是个人野心和政党忠诚否定了埃斯珀更合适的辞职牌。 《神圣誓言》的许多读者在读完这本书后,会理所当然地不相信前国务卿埃斯珀忠实地履行了真正神圣的誓言。

Oct. 24, 2022

A Sacred Oath: Memoirs of a Secretary of Defense During Extraordinary Times

https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Media/News/News-Article-View/Article/3197341/a-sacred-oath-memoirs-of-a-secretary-of-defense-during-extraordinary-times/ 

By Thomas F. Lynch III Joint Force Quarterly 107

Dr. Thomas F. Lynch III is a Distinguished Research Fellow in the Center for Strategic Research, Institute for National Strategic Studies, at the National Defense University.

A Sacred Oath: Memoirs of a Secretary of Defense During Extraordinary Times is the narrative of Mark Esper, former Secretary of Defense for the Trump administration, about his tumultuous 17 months in office, which ended with his November 2020 firing by Trump. A Sacred Oath confronts a vital first-order question for all uniformed and civilian military professionals: How do I faithfully adhere to my sworn oath to protect and defend the U.S. Constitution from all enemies, foreign and domestic? This question is especially searing when it comes to upholding the oath as a senior civilian political appointee in the face of a domestic security threat from the White House itself. There is no perfect answer, but contextual factors help inform whether a senior Department of Defense (DOD) official should offer resignation rather than remain and enable the threat in hopes of moderating it.

A Sacred Oath is Esper’s tale of why he chose to stay on as Trump’s third of four DOD secretaries despite all the red flags warning that such a choice was bad for the country and bad for Esper personally. Esper’s two-part answer is that he swore an oath to the Constitution, and if he had resigned in protest over any of the multitude of dangerous defense and security ideas coming out of the Trump White House, then the next acting Secretary could have been someone truly ready and willing to carry out Trump’s impetuous impulses—and that would have been seriously detrimental to the country. The burden to make this narrative stick is high, and Esper struggles to meet it. On the one hand, Esper does not address fully the important related questions about his selection or his power basis as Secretary and, on the other, when compared with the more commonly understood interpretations of holistic selflessness in honoring a sworn oath to the Constitution, Esper seems to rely on a less-demanding standard.

Among the many important questions that A Sacred Oath does not fully address is the one about why Esper was Secretary in the first place. He was the Trump administration’s Secretary of the Army for a brief 19 months from 2017 to 2019. A West Point graduate, former Active-duty Army infantry officer, and Army Reservist, Esper also had a short stint as a Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Negotiations Policy, had years on Capitol Hill as a staffer, and then was a midlevel defense industry lobbyist. So Esper seemed a good fit as Army secretary, even though he was the administration’s third choice. But what about Esper’s qualifications to become Secretary?

Since the position’s creation in the late 1940s, congressionally confirmed secretaries have generally held one of three major personal qualifications for their positional power: prior distinguished service in very senior executive or legislative-branch security leadership positions; experience in industry, with relevant defense ideas or acumen; or personal friendship and a trusted working relationship with the President. These qualifications give secretaries voice and gravitas in shaping a DOD agenda or managing challenging security circumstances. Esper brought none of them to the job; his past positions paled in comparison with historical Secretary power bases.

Thus, Esper’s telling of his June 2019 move to become Secretary is unhelpfully spartan. He lets us know that Trump disliked retired U.S. Marine Corps General Jim Mattis as the first administration Secretary, but without clearly stating that Mattis resigned in December 2018 over glaring concerns about Trump’s threat to national security—from the appalling treatment of U.S. security partners to reckless machinations on U.S. troop withdrawals from Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Also absent from Esper’s telling are the names Milley and Urban. Then–Army Chief of Staff General Mark Milley had been on favorable terms with the White House since Trump announced him as the next Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff back in December 2018. David Urban, Esper’s 1986 West Point classmate and Pennsylvania chair of the Trump 2016 Presidential campaign, remained a famous Trump-whisperer on administration personnel matters and especially regarding his many West Point classmates in Trump’s orbit. Were those two important factors in Esper’s rather curious selection?

The missing details matter because Esper tells us that he had personally witnessed Trump meandering recklessly in and out of Army policy matters without regard for counsel by Secretary Mattis or National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster. Mattis and McMaster resigned in 2018 because of their oath to the Constitution, rather than remaining in a misguided attempt to honor it.

From the first chapter, Esper provides stark details about Presidential security directives ranging from the absurd to the dangerous. He recounts Trump asking to have the U.S. military shoot the legs of peaceful protesters in Washington, DC, demanding that DOD consider firing Patriot missiles into Mexico to stem the flow of illegal refugees, agitating to activate and move National Guard units from Republican-governed states into Democratic-governed ones to “get tougher on Antifa,” and on and on. Esper establishes Trump as a clear threat to national security, seemingly to convince us that his oath meant he had to stay to ensure less terrible outcomes than might otherwise accrue. Is this true?

Here, context matters for proper analysis, and Esper provides the reader with a contextual gem in chapter 18, perhaps the most important insight of the book, in which Esper attempts to show that he pushed back to such an extent that Trump considered his dismissal: “My friends close to the White House said that while Trump was angry, he wasn’t going to fire me. His own reelection still took priority over his desire for retribution.” Did Esper fully wield this knowledge to preserve and defend the Constitution? Did he leverage the insight to comprehensively prevent detrimental ideas and directives from jeopardizing the national interest? Not in his telling. Instead, Esper ruminates repetitively about the many days he wondered if he were going to be fired by the President. How is the reader to square this circle? How could Esper know of his fireproof political coating before November 2020, yet consistently fear firing, refrain from threatening resignation, and make no full-throated public pronouncement against Trump White House tweets and press statements that were dangerously overriding DOD professional counsel again and again?

The real answer seems tied to a limited interpretation of his oath to the Constitution. Esper’s self-interest in remaining the Secretary and staying in the good graces of his political party go unaddressed. Undoubtedly, Esper did take helpful, if behind-the-scenes, stands against some of the most outlandish Trump national security ideas. In doing so, Esper took some personal risk, but never the full measure. More often, Esper recounts, he acquiesced to the absurd, rationalizing that his efforts inhibited far worse security outcomes. If the President and his 2019–2020 advisers were as out of control as Esper represents, then he had a powerful option—and perhaps even a duty—to threaten resignation to arrest the madness, not merely to stick it out. Instead of using the threat of resignation to erect a concrete barrier in the face of the administration’s fusillade of threats to U.S. national security during 2019 and 2020, Esper reveals that he was content to throw thumbtacks in the path of a careening, up-armored Presidential reelection bus with run-flat tires.

Esper comes to his readers in A Sacred Oath like Lady MacBeth, asking that we absolve him of the “damned spot” of enabling many, though not all, of the Trump administration’s threats to national security. It is hard to grant him this request. Esper may have delayed or diverted some of the most dangerous White House national defense ideas and directives, but far too few to prove his constitutional fealty. The reader can feel some sorrow for the recurring humiliations Esper describes enduring as Secretary while still wondering whether it was personal ambition and party loyalty that negated Esper’s more appropriate play of his resignation card. Many readers of A Sacred Oath will finish it justifiably unconvinced that former Secretary Esper faithfully fulfilled a truly sacred oath. 

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