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Civilization: The West and the Rest

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文明:西方与世界

2012 年 10 月 30 日

https://www.amazon.ca/Civilization-West-Rest-Niall-Ferguson/dp/0143122061

作者:Niall Ferguson (作者)

西方文明崛起为全球霸主,是过去五个世纪中最重要的历史现象。

西方是如何超越东方对手的?西方权力的巅峰是否已经过去?著名历史学家 Niall Ferguson 认为,从 15 世纪开始,西方开发了六个强大的新概念或“杀手级应用”——竞争、科学、法治、现代医学、消费主义和职业道德——而世界其他地区则缺乏这些概念,从而使西方超越了所有其他竞争对手。

然而现在,Ferguson 展示了世界其他地区如何下载了西方曾经垄断的杀手级应用,而西方却对自己失去了信心。 《文明:西方与其他》记录了帝国的兴衰以及文明的冲突(和融合),用力量和智慧重塑了世界历史。本书论证大胆,人物形象令人难忘,是弗格森最出色的作品。

《文明:西方与其他》
https://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/publications/civilization-West-And-Rest

引文:

弗格森,尼尔。2011 年。《文明:西方与其他》。美国企鹅出版社。副本位于 http://www.tinyurl.com/22qpjkyn

下载引文

《文明:西方与其他》
摘要:
西方文明崛起为全球主导是过去五百年来最重要的历史现象。如今,全世界有相当一部分人为西式公司工作,在西式大学学习,选举西式政府,服用西药,穿西式服装,甚至工作时间也是西式的。然而,六百年前,西欧的小王国似乎不可能取得比永无休止的内战更多的成就。明朝中国或奥斯曼土耳其才具有世界文明的面貌。西方是如何超越东方对手的?西方权力的巅峰时代已经过去了吗?

在《文明:西方与世界》一书中,畅销书作家尼尔·弗格森认为,从 15 世纪开始,西方发展出了世界所缺乏的六个强大的新概念:竞争、科学、法治、消费主义、现代医学和职业道德。这些“杀手级应用”让西方国家领先于其他国家,开辟了全球贸易路线,利用新发现的科学定律,发展代议制政府体系,使预期寿命增加一倍以上,引发了工业革命,并接受了充满活力的工作道德。《文明》展示了不到十几个西方帝国如何控制了超过一半的人类和五分之四的世界经济。

然而,弗格森认为,现在西方占主导地位的日子屈指可数——不是因为与敌对文明的冲突,而只是因为其他国家现在已经下载了我们曾经垄断的六个杀手级应用——而西方实际上已经对自己失去了信心。

《文明》不仅讲述了西方缓慢崛起和突然消亡的扣人心弦的故事;它还以热情、清晰和机智解释了世界历史。《文明》有争议,但有说服力和引人入胜,是弗格森最好的作品。

评论
《文明:西方与世界》作者:尼尔·弗格森——评论
https://www.theguardian.com/books/2011/mar/25/civilization-west-rest-niall-ferguson-review

尼尔·弗格森的右翼对西方价值观的赞美不适合在学校教授

伯纳德·波特 2011 年 3 月 25 日星期五

尼尔·弗格森写了这本他的最新著作,主要面向青少年。“这本书的设计部分是为了让 17 岁的男孩或女孩能够以一种非常容易理解的方式了解大量历史,并能够与之产生共鸣,”他最近告诉《观察家报》。其中一些出现在本书附带的 Channel 4 系列的开头。这将解释他在这里使用“杀手级应用”等术语的原因。在电影中,年轻人清楚地理解了这一点。(他们虚弱地笑了笑。)我仍然不明白(“杀手级”部分)。

弗格森还有另外两个议程。一是要宣扬他对世界历史的看法,他认为世界历史已被“西方”文明(这里通常简称为“文明”)主宰了 500 年。他认为,不能忽视这一点,这对我们的文化认同感很重要,因此,我们捍卫这种认同感以抵御外部威胁的能力也很重要。否则,“文明”可能很快就会崩溃。现在有一个挑战!二是要纠正他声称的英国学校目前教授历史的方式中的缺陷。两者是相互关联的。鉴于我们的教育理论家厌恶正式知识和死记硬背,他们偏爱“除了我们自己的之外的所有人的历史”,通常是“块状的”,并且痴迷于学习技巧,那么如何才能向年轻人灌输这种身份保护知识——“大故事”

弊病和文本分析?

他以前也说过这样的话,以支持他的新朋友迈克尔·戈夫改革学校历史教学大纲的雄心。这意味着这本书或类似的书可以作为任何新的戈夫式教学大纲的教科书。但事实上,它几乎完美地说明了为什么孩子们需要学习分析技能,而不是“大故事”或事实。

无论如何,用历史来教授“身份”是有问题的。这种要求通常来自政客;但这肯定是他们的工作,他们可以做得更好——通过保护英国人最引以为豪的机构,例如(想到了英国广播公司和英国国民医疗服务体系),或者让这个国家成为我们未来可以(甚至)更引以为豪的东西。历史在其他方面太重要和有价值了——比如帮助我们理解“我们自己的历史以外的其他历史”,不能被滥用于此。

然后还有一个棘手的问题,即应该教授哪种“身份”。人们通常喜欢教授英国身份,以便灌输“英国特性”——正如戈夫喜欢说的那样,“我们的岛屿故事”。但是哪个岛屿故事呢?国王、王后和战争?老辉格党的故事——英国如何随着时间的推移变得更加自由和美好?激进的故事——从农民起义到今天的英国工会大会游行寻求替代?一个包括几个世纪以来我们所有移民背景的岛屿故事?也许是《每日电讯报》读者的故事:英国是如何衰落的?一个给予女性和男性同等关注的故事怎么样?好吧,我相信人们可以在所有这些故事之间取得某种平衡;但这肯定会让学生感到困惑(这是正确的),这就是为什么他们仍然需要分析技能来理清这些线索。

而且“英国”并不是唯一的“身份”。欧洲主义者更喜欢更广泛的关注。现在,我们听到弗格森呼吁历史教育,将他所构想的整个“文明”都纳入其中。戈夫会选择哪一种呢?(当然,如果他在学校教学大纲中留出足够的时间教授历史,他可以选择不止一种。)

如果将世界历史纳入其中,弗格森的新书表明,将其作为“正式知识”、死记硬背地教授将是多么困难。从许多方面来看,这是一本引人入胜的书:是的,内容参差不齐,而且秩序混乱,可能是因为它源自电视剧,以及弗格森认为他需要将他的“事实”强加进去的意识形态框架——“六个应用”。该论点存在巨大漏洞——选择性证据、不合逻辑的推论等等——仅凭这一点,它就足以成为任何男学生或女学生真正历史方法的一个非常糟糕的典范。人们认为他们会看穿那些更明显的愚蠢之处——比如 1968 年学生革命的“真正目的”是“让男生进入女生宿舍”。(弗格森应该小心,不要变成历史上的杰里米·克拉克森。)但这本书写得很好,几乎每一页都有值得引用的内容,还有一些很棒的想法。

这本书非常肯定地讲述了高级金融——弗格森的真正领域。(他是偶然进入帝国历史的——同样是受电视邀请。)对于任何期待帝国主义咆哮的人来说——弗格森在这方面有一定的名声——涵盖殖民地非洲的章节会让人大吃一惊。非洲“让欧洲人最坏的一面暴露无遗……战后欧洲帝国的迅速瓦解似乎是一个恰如其分的句子”。自从 2003 年出版了更具庆祝性的《帝国》之后,他似乎学到了一些东西——也许培养了一些同理心。

但他必须知道,他只是看待现代世界历史的一种方式,在许多方面都很独特,在政治光谱中极右——或者说是右派之一——因此,为了“身份”的目的,将其作为唯一的“大故事”教给孩子们,非常不适合。它读起来就像宣传。这本书的副标题非常成问题(就像《帝国》的副标题一样:“英国如何创造了现代世界”,看在上帝的份上)。“西方与其他国家”建立了一种在许多方面都极其错误的二分法,当然,对他归为(他的话)“西方人”的人也是一种居高临下的姿态。这与他在主标题中挪用“文明”一词来仅涵盖(主要是)资本主义世界及其相关的唯物主义价值观完全不同。最后,就这些大问题而言,他在整本书中反复强调,西方在世界上的主导地位至少持续了 500 年。读者和电视连续剧的观众必须注意,这绝对不是大多数帝国历史学家所相信的。他们通常的估计只有 150-200 年。(例如,参见约翰·达尔文的优秀著作《帖木儿之后:自 1405 年以来的帝国全球史》)。但即使他们都错了,这至少表明,即使是最宏大的叙事,对“事实”也没有一致的意见。这就是为什么学校

首先,需要教会孩子批判性思维。

从很多方面来说,弗格森是他那个时代的产物,也是他(现在)选择居住的地方的产物。当然,那个时代的特点是他相当极端的新自由主义,尽管现在这种思想已经不像以前那么流行了。他在序言中说,他选择住在美国,是因为他对金钱和权力感兴趣,而那里正是“金钱和权力的真正所在”。这也是大多数“大历史”的来源,简单来说,就是那些应该解释一切的总体主题,通常都有大标题:文明的冲突、大国的兴衰、历史的终结、帝国、巨人(后两个都是弗格森的)。

这可能与美国作为世界主导力量的地位有关。大国;大历史。英国在占主导地位时也提出了类似的总体理论。事实上,当我读到弗格森的书时,我想起了约翰·西利爵士著名的《英格兰的扩张》(1883 年)。如今,我们这些小不点的英国人很少会想出这种事情。我们大多数人都意识到,你越是延伸一个理论,它就越容易出现漏洞。文明及其“六大杀手级应用”是这一更古老、更宏大、漏洞百出的传统中最新的一个。如果弗格森关于西方统治突然终结的警告成真,它也可能是最后一个。(当然,学校应该受到指责。)那么下一个西利或弗格森可能是中国人。

关于
https://www.pbs.org/wnet/civilization-west-and-rest/about/

文明:西方与世界,尼尔·弗格森著
在过去的五个世纪里,西方文明在世界各地盛行。全世界受西方食品、服装、医药、政府和宗教影响的人比受任何其他文明影响的人都多。这是怎么发生的?是什么让西方如此有影响力和强大?西方还能维持多久的霸权?随着美国在地缘政治范式转变中接近 2012 年总统大选,著名历史学家尼尔·弗格森重返公共电视台,及时探讨西方经济崛起的原因以及东方文明现在可能占据主导地位的原因。

伴随着一本重要的新书《文明:西方与其他国家》(企鹅出版社),该系列探讨了西方史诗般和令人惊讶的全球主导地位的崛起。尼尔·弗格森运用基本的经济和政治见解,确定了他所说的“六个杀手级应用”,这些应用是“其他国家”所缺乏的,但却使西方成为经济和政治超级大国。然而,没有一种文明能够永远存在,弗格森推测,“其他国家”也许可以通过“下载”和升级这些“应用程序”来超越西方。

每集两小时的节目都关注其中三个因素:竞争;科学、现代医学、民主、消费主义和(新教)职业道德。弗格森从古今帝国兴衰的理论角度出发,阐述了西方如何向他人传授其思想和制度。

弗格森认为,竞争、科学和以财产为导向的政府使西方领先于亚洲、穆斯林世界和南美洲,并提出现代医学、消费主义和职业道德支持了西方向非洲的扩张、对大众营销和消费的掌握以及对其工作文化的推广。

弗格森断言,在太空竞赛之前,有香料竞赛。在 15 世纪,经济和政治竞争促进了资本主义,并将财富从王室传播到支离破碎的欧洲国家体系。欧洲王国招募了葡萄牙的瓦斯科·达·伽马等探险家,通过贸易站绘制地图并征服世界。很快,欧洲的综合经济就超过了东方富裕但庞大的中国帝国。

1683 年奥斯曼帝国战败后,普鲁士国王弗雷德里克将政教分离,并建立了以科学探究为基础的教育体系。相比之下,奥斯曼帝国苏丹奥斯曼三世开创了一个禁止科学研究的宗教法时代。结果,科学进步在东方受到宗教规则的阻碍,而在西方却蓬勃发展。借助现代科学,西方推动了炮兵战争的前沿,确立了其作为世界军事霸主的地位。

弗格森认为,在美国建立的财产所有制民主实践从根本上改变了权力分配,让土地所有者在政府中拥有发言权。西班牙和英国争夺新大陆的财富。一开始,南美洲拥有丰富的黄金和其他自然资源,由一小群征服者统治阶级控制,似乎会成为更强大、更繁荣的帝国。然而,北美凭借勤劳的契约劳工和下放的土地所有权为实现有利可图的民主社会铺平了道路。

韦斯

非洲的“文明”严重依赖现代医学。医学充其量只能治愈疾病,延长殖民者和非洲人的寿命。

在两次世界大战的破坏威胁到西方文明的毁灭之后,消费主义在冷战期间统一并加速了西方的影响。弗格森解释了当社会主义与资本主义对抗时,服装革命如何推动了 20 世纪第一波全球化浪潮。牛仔裤和 T 恤成为全球“必备”时尚。牛仔布受到娱乐业(主要是好莱坞和摇滚乐)的欢迎,成为具有大众吸引力的文化货币,并成为美国工业主义和资本主义的大众信息。

最后一个“应用”——新教工作伦理,对西方的成功也至关重要。1904 年,马克斯·韦伯概述了工作伦理,它体现了资本主义精神。勤奋工作、储蓄和延迟消费被视为荣耀上帝的手段。本集结束时,弗格森回到中国,尽管共产主义盛行,但基督教在中国仍然蓬勃发展。随着基督教在中国的普及度越来越高,中国的经济成功也随之增长。

随着中国和伊斯兰教不可阻挡的崛起,西方是否已成为历史?弗格森认为,这不一定是。西方在政治多元化、商业竞争、科学发展和医学进步方面仍然占有优势。最重要的是,西方保持着自由和创造力,可以书写西方文明的下一章。

《文明:西方与其他》是 Chimerica Media Limited、BBC 和 THIRTEEN 与 WNET 联合制作的。

尼尔·弗格森,文学硕士、哲学博士,是哈佛大学劳伦斯·A·蒂施历史学教授。他还是斯坦福大学胡佛研究所的高级研究员和牛津大学耶稣学院的高级研究员。

制作和网络致谢

Civilization: The West and the Rest 

Oct. 30 2012

https://www.amazon.ca/Civilization-West-Rest-Niall-Ferguson/dp/0143122061

by Niall Ferguson (Author)

 
Western civilization's rise to global dominance is the single most important historical phenomenon of the past five centuries.

How did the West overtake its Eastern rivals? And has the zenith of Western power now passed? Acclaimed historian Niall Ferguson argues that beginning in the fifteenth century, the West developed six powerful new concepts, or “killer applications”—competition, science, the rule of law, modern medicine, consumerism, and the work ethic—that the Rest lacked, allowing it to surge past all other competitors.

Yet now, Ferguson shows how the Rest have downloaded the killer apps the West once monopolized, while the West has literally lost faith in itself. Chronicling the rise and fall of empires alongside clashes (and fusions) of civilizations, Civilization: The West and the Rest recasts world history with force and wit. Boldly argued and teeming with memorable characters, this is Ferguson at his very best.
 
Civilization: The West and The Rest

https://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/publications/civilization-West-And-Rest

Citation:

Civilization: The West and The Rest

Abstract:

The rise to global predominance of Western civilization is the single most important historical phenomenon of the past five hundred years. All over the world, an astonishing proportion of people now work for Western-style companies, study at Western-style universities, vote for Western-style governments, take Western medicines, wear Western clothes, and even work Western hours. Yet six hundred years ago the petty kingdoms of Western Europe seemed unlikely to achieve much more than perpetual internecine warfare. It was Ming China or Ottoman Turkey that had the look of world civilizations. How did the West overtake its Eastern rivals? And has the zenith of Western power now passed?

In Civilization: The West and the Rest, bestselling author Niall Ferguson argues that, beginning in the fifteenth century, the West developed six powerful new concepts that the Rest lacked: competition, science, the rule of law, consumerism, modern medicine, and the work ethic. These were the "killer applications" that allowed the West to leap ahead of the Rest, opening global trade routes, exploiting newly discovered scientific laws, evolving a system of representative government, more than doubling life expectancy, unleashing the Industrial Revolution, and embracing a dynamic work ethic. Civilization shows just how fewer than a dozen Western empires came to control more than half of humanity and four fifths of the world economy.

Yet now, Ferguson argues, the days of Western predominance are numbered-not because of clashes with rival civilizations, but simply because the Rest have now downloaded the six killer apps we once monopolized-while the West has literally lost faith in itself.

Civilization does more than tell the gripping story of the West's slow rise and sudden demise; it also explains world history with verve, clarity, and wit. Controversial but cogent and compelling, Civilization is Ferguson at his very best.

Civilization: The West and the Rest by Niall Ferguson – review

https://www.theguardian.com/books/2011/mar/25/civilization-west-rest-niall-ferguson-review

Niall Ferguson's rightwing paean to western values is unsuited to being taught in schools

 Fri 25 Mar 2011 

Niall Ferguson has written this, his latest book, largely for teenagers. "The book is partly designed so a 17-year-old boy or girl will get a lot of history in a very digestible way, and be able to relate to it," he told the Observer recently. Some of them appear at the beginning of the Channel 4 series accompanying the book. That will account for his use here of terms such as "killer apps". In the film the youngsters clearly understood this. (They smiled weakly.) I still don't (the "killer" part, that is).

Ferguson also has two other agendas. One is to put over his view of world history, which he sees as having been dominated by "western" civilization (here generally just called "civilization") for 500 years. It's important for our sense of cultural identity, he believes, and consequently our ability to defend that identity against external threats, not to lose sight of this. Otherwise "civilization" could very quickly collapse. Now there's a challenge! The second is to correct deficiencies in the way he claims that history is currently taught in British schools. The two are connected. How can this identity-preserving knowledge – the "big story" – be inculcated in the young, "given our educational theorists' aversion to formal knowledge and rote-learning", their preference for "everyone's history but our own", usually in "chunks", and their obsession with study skills and textual analysis?

He has said this sort of thing before, in support of his new friend Michael Gove's reforming ambitions for the school history syllabus. The implication is that this book, or something like it, could serve as a textbook for any new Goveian syllabus. But in fact it furnishes an almost perfect illustration of why children need to be taught analytical skills, more than "big stories" or facts.

There are anyway problems with using history to teach "identity". The demand usually comes from politicians; but surely this is their job, which they could do much better – by preserving the institutions the British are most proud of, for example (the BBC and the NHS come to mind), or by making the country something we can be (even) prouder of in the future. History is too important and valuable in other ways – helping us to understand "other histories than our own", for one – to be prostituted to this end.

And then there's the vexed question of which "identity" should be taught. The favoured one is usually British, in order to inculcate "Britishness" – "Our island story", as Gove likes to put it. But which island story? Kings, queens and battles? The old Whig one – how Britain has got freer and better over time? A radical one – from the peasants' revolt to today's TUC march for the alternative? An island story that includes the backgrounds of all our immigrants over the centuries? A Daily Telegraph readers' one, perhaps: how Britain has gone to the dogs? How about one that gives as much attention to women as to men? Well, I'm sure one could strike some kind of balance among all these; but it would be bound to confuse students (rightly), which is why they would still need analytical skills to sort out the strands.

And "British" isn't the only "identity" in the running. Europeanists will prefer a wider focus. And now we have Ferguson's plea for history education that takes in the whole of "civilization" as he conceives it. Which will Gove choose? (Of course, if he makes enough time for history in the school syllabus, he can choose more than one.)

If world history comes into it, Ferguson's new book shows how difficult it will be to teach it as "formal knowledge", rote-learned. In many ways it's an engaging book: uneven, yes, and ill-ordered, probably as a result of its derivation from the TV series, and of the ideological framework – the "six apps" – that Ferguson feels he needs to force his "facts" into. There are huge holes in the argument – selective evidence, non-sequiturs, and so on – that alone would make it a very poor model of true historical method for any schoolboy or girl. One assumes they would see through the more obvious sillinesses – such as the statement that the "true aim" of the student revolutions of 1968 was "male access to the female dorms". (Ferguson should watch out that he doesn't turn into history's Jeremy Clarkson.) But it's well written, with something quotable on nearly every page, and some terrific ideas.

It reads very assuredly on high finance – Ferguson's true field. (He came into imperial history accidentally – invited, again, by TV.) For anyone expecting an imperialist rant – Ferguson has a certain reputation along these lines – the chapter that covers colonial Africa will come as a surprise. Africa "brought out the destructive worst in Europeans . . . The rapid dissolution of the European empires in the postwar years appeared to be a just enough sentence". He seems to have learned something, then – perhaps developed some empathy – since the publication of his rather more celebratory Empire in 2003.

 

But he must know that his is only one way of looking at modern world history, idiosyncratic in many ways, far to the right – or one of the rights – of the political spectrum, and consequently highly unsuited to be taught to children as their only "big story", for "identity" purposes. It reads like propaganda. The book's subtitle is highly problematical (just as Empire's was: "How Britain Made the Modern World", for goodness sake). "The West and the Rest" sets up a dichotomy that is profoundly false in many ways, and of course patronising to the people he lumps together as (his word) "resterners". That's quite apart from his appropriation – in his main title – of the word "civilization" to cover only the (mainly) capitalist world and the materialist values associated with it. And – lastly, so far as these big issues are concerned – there's his claim, repeated throughout the book, that "western" predominance in the world has lasted 500 years, no less. Readers, and viewers of the TV series, must be warned that this is emphatically not what most imperial historians believe. A mere 150-200 years is their usual estimate. (See, for example, John Darwin's excellent After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire Since 1405.) But even if they're all wrong, this at least shows that there can be no agreement about the "facts" of even the grandest narrative. That's why schoolchildren need to be taught to be critical, before anything else.

In many ways Ferguson is a creature of his time, and of the place he has chosen (for now) to live. The time, of course, is represented by his pretty extreme neo-liberalism, though that is becoming less fashionable now than it was. He chose to live in America, he states in his preface, because he was interested in money and power, and that was where "the money and power actually were". It's also where most of the "big history" comes from, in the sense of simple, over-arching themes that are supposed to explain everything, usually with big titles: The Clash of Civilisations, The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers, The End of History, Empire, Colossus (the last two both Ferguson's).

It probably has something to do with America's status as the dominant power in the world. Big countries; big histories. Britain produced similar over-arching theories when she was dominant. Indeed, I was reminded of Sir John Seeley's famous The Expansion of England (1883) when I read Ferguson's book. Nowadays we littler Britons come up with this sort of thing less often. Most of us realise that the more you stretch a theory, the more holes tend to appear in it. Civilization, with its "six killer apps", is the latest in that older, grander, holey-er tradition. It may also be the last, if Ferguson's warnings about the sudden end of western domination come true. (The schools, of course, will be to blame.) Then the next Seeley, or Ferguson, may be Chinese.

ABOUT

https://www.pbs.org/wnet/civilization-west-and-rest/about/

Civilization: The West and the Rest with Niall Feruguson
For the past five centuries, Western civilizations have prevailed around the world. More people have been influenced by Western food, clothing, medicine, government and religion worldwide than by any other civilization. How did that happen? What led the West to be so influential and powerful? And how long will the West sustain its supremacy? As America approaches the 2012 presidential election in the midst of a geopolitical paradigm shift, acclaimed historian Niall Ferguson returns to public television with a timely look at the reasons behind the West’s economic ascendancy and why Eastern civilizations may now be taking the lead.

Accompanied by a major new book, Civilization: The West and the Rest (Penguin Press), the series explores the West’s epic and surprising rise to global dominance. Applying essential economic and political insights, Niall Ferguson identifies what he calls “the six killer applications” that “the Rest” lacked, but which enabled the West to become an economic and political superpower. Yet no civilization lasts forever, and Ferguson speculates that perhaps “The Rest” can overtake the West by “downloading” and upgrading these “apps” too.

Each two-hour episode focuses on three of these factors: competition; science; modern medicine; democracy; consumerism; and the (Protestant) work ethic. Spanning theories on the rise and fall of empires past and present, Ferguson explains how the West taught others its ideas and institutions.

Ferguson argues that competition, science and property-oriented government put the West ahead of Asia, the Muslim world, and South America and proposes that modern medicine, consumerism and work ethic supported the West’s expansion into Africa, its mastery of mass marketing and consumption, and promotion of its work culture.

Before the space race, Ferguson asserts, there was the spice race. In the 15th century, competition, both economic and political, fostered capitalism and spread the wealth from royal courts to a fragmented European state system. European kingdoms enlisted explorers such as Portugal’s Vasco da Gama to map and conquer the world with trading posts. Soon, Europe’s combined economy overtook the wealthy but monolithic empire of China to the East.

After the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in 1683, Prussian King Frederick separated church and state and fostered an education system based on scientific inquiry. By contrast, the Ottoman Sultan Osman III ushered in an era of religious laws that forbade the study of science. As a result, scientific progress was hindered by religious rules in the East, while it flourished in the West. With modern science, the West pushed the frontiers of artillery warfare and established its position as the world’s military master.

Ferguson suggests that the practice of property-owning democracy, established in America, fundamentally altered the distribution of power by giving landowners a voice in the government. Spain and England competed for New World riches. In the beginning, it seemed that South America with its abundance of gold and other natural resources, controlled by a small ruling class of conquistadors, would become the greater, more prosperous empire. However, North America, with its hardworking indentured servants and devolved land-ownership paved the way for a profitable democratic society.

The West’s “civilization” of Africa relied heavily on modern medicine. At best, medicine cured diseases and prolonged the lives of both colonists and Africans.

After the destruction of two World Wars threatened to destroy Western civilization, consumerism unified and accelerated Western influences during the Cold War. Ferguson explains how, as socialism faced off with capitalism, a sartorial revolution fueled the first wave of globalization in the 20th century. Jeans and T-shirts became the “must-have” fashion around the world. Popularized by the entertainment industry, mainly Hollywood and rock ‘n’ roll, denim was cultural currency with mass appeal and a mass message about American industrialism and capitalism.

The final “app,” the Protestant work ethic, was also critical to the West’s success. Outlined in 1904 by Max Weber, the work ethic encapsulates the spirit of capitalism. Hard work, savings, and deferred consumption were seen as the means to glorify God. As the episode closes, Ferguson returns to China, where Christianity has flourished in spite of communism. And as the popularity of Christianity rises ever more rapidly in China, so too does the country’s economic success.

With the inexorable rise of China and Islam re-energized, is the West history? Ferguson believes it doesn’t have to be. The West still has an edge in political pluralism, commercial competition, scientific development, and medical advances. Most of all, the West maintains the freedom and creativity to write the next chapter in Western civilization.

Civilization: The West and the Rest is a co-production of Chimerica Media Limited, BBC and THIRTEEN in association with WNET.

Niall Ferguson, MA, D.Phil., is Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History at Harvard University. He is also a Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and a Senior Research Fellow at Jesus College, Oxford.

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