蓝月星雨
本人信奉之蓝人准则：但求三餐不愁。睡大觉，喝小酒，穿花衣裳。
《纽约时报》2003.3.8.
当人们说起多米尼▪克德维尔潘，脑海里呼之欲出的形象是一只兔子。
法国的外交部长就象是只外交界的劲量电池兔子，一个夜里只睡不超过四个半钟头，喜欢叫醒助手商讨国事，白天进行马拉松式的工作而夜晚创作诗歌的精力充沛的人。
在一月份的七天时间里，周六他在象牙海岸跟交战的派系谈判，周三准备普京到法国的国事访问而周四在中国，周五在南韩讨论朝鲜核威胁。在他出任外交部长的头十个月里，包括他陪同希拉克总统到阿尔及利亚做第一次国事访问在内，他总共出访了七十多个国家。
迄今为止他对世界的最大影响是发出了无情批判布什政府发动伊拉克战争的最强音。作为本周法――德――俄发起的阻止美国在联合国通过动武决议的设计师－－除非武检失败－－德维尔潘的所说和所为的确在跨大西洋外交中达到了一个闻所未闻的水平。
在美国，他的反战姿态招致了一场声讨德维尔潘的大战。先是一位专栏作家把他形容为 “油嘴滑舌”，紧接着另一位则称其为“爽口型外交”。这些批评非但没有使他却步，反而激发了他的动力。 “所有的批评都是正确的，所有的赞美都是不实之辞。” 在他饭店的套间里接受采访时他说，“批评使人进步，赞美则会令人裹足不前。”
美国方面多数的批评来自布什政府内部，在那个圈子里德维尔潘因为胆敢跟国务卿鲍威尔对着干而备受唾弃。
据说这两个人因为去年秋天在通过安理会要求伊拉克配合武检的决议的过程中建立了良好的关系。但这一关系在今年一月份由于德维尔潘要求安理会召开关于反恐问题的会议使鲍威尔觉得被背叛之后破裂了。在鲍威尔眼中，那个会议变成德维尔潘当众抨击华盛顿的论坛－－事先没有任何的警告－－德维尔潘便宣称在伊拉克问题上“没有任何理由可以为设想动用武力而开脱。”
作为回应，法国方面的官员称，德维尔潘的确相信过鲍威尔所保证的美国现行政策的目的不是推翻萨达姆政权，而是解除伊拉克的武装。当国防部长唐纳德·拉姆斯菲尔德表述了跟上述观点相左的意愿之后，德维尔潘也觉得被背叛了。
当49岁的德维尔潘高速快跑的时候，有时确实难以了解他奔向何方。甚至连一些他最亲密的助手都承认他的确才华横溢，或许有些狂热，或许两者都有那么一点儿，一些外交官甚至管他叫“佐罗”。
在一月份的一个电视采访中，当被问到他一贯性的建议时，他回答说：“这是至关重要的，因为事态的紧迫性就在这里。紧迫的重大国际问题。恐怖主义。武器扩散。原教旨主义的兴起。多样化的危机影响到我们每一个人的生活。当前，面对这些问题，你不可能在脸上罩一层面纱。”
如果说德维尔潘拥有一个可视的梦想，那就是重振法兰西的辉煌－－一个他在已经出版的著作《一百天》的第一卷中明白无误地阐明了的罗曼蒂克的观点，这是一部关于拿破仑的传记，讲述这位皇帝从流亡中重返，胜利地横跨法兰西出征，最后在滑铁卢被击败。
将拿破仑的哲学归述为，“不论胜利或死亡，荣耀终将来临。”德维尔潘补充道，为了“推进法兰西的远大抱负”，“几乎没有一天是在没有让我感到迫切地需要铭记而不向漠不关心，冷嘲热讽低头而渡过的。”
在他接受采访期间敞开的黑色皮质古奇公文包里可以找到其它一些关于他思想的蛛丝马迹。拿出一厚叠用丝带匝好的手稿，里面是拿破仑的传记的第二卷，一个文件夹，里面是他正在修改的他自己的诗作，一个他正在撰写前言的朋友的书稿，一沓画稿，最后，只有这时，他关于安哥拉的公文。
“你明白了吧，我喜欢同时干许多件事情，”他说。“这是唯一保持清醒的方法。在凌晨3点钟你需要做跟2点钟不同的事情，因为如果不这样，你就会睡着。”
一天前，德维尔潘说，他刚为国家安全顾问古尔道·蒙坦内写了一首诗，我请求他朗诵一首诗，结果他朗诵了三首。
希拉克最信任的助手，有一次这样形容德维尔潘 “有那么一点儿象个儿子，”他为自己在法国政治中的独立性和独特性感到满意。
一幅两周前的《巴黎竞技》杂志的封面照，使所有的人包括法国政界的元老们都目瞪口呆。希拉克身着西装站在德维尔潘身旁稍侧，而德维尔潘却只穿着衬衫。“德维尔潘看上去象是一个王储，亲昵到甚至不觉得自己应该穿上外套。”一名资深法国外交官这样说。
德维尔潘也有政治上的对立面，他们责怪他说服希拉克在1997年解散国民议会提前选举，导致了社会党领导的运动以及其后五年中他们和希拉克权利共享的局面。总统从那时起一直在保护他。
事实上，希拉克政治圈子中坚信圣洁的跨大西洋联盟的成员们对党内的运作大吐苦水，国防部和军队被抛在一边，除了总统和德维尔潘之外没有其他任何人在制定法国的外交政策。
他可能的权利顶点使人猜测他的政治抱负是将来成为总统。一些和他亲近的人相信他激烈的否认，“我从来没有想过拥有政治生涯”，他坚持道，“我只不过是想服务。”
在法国以外，德维尔潘在担任外交部长之前不为人所知，他是一个有权势的参议员的儿子。出生于摩洛哥，生长于国外，里根政府时，德维尔潘在法国驻华盛顿的使馆当过新闻发言人，利用这段时间他建立起了与记者、说客以及国会圈子的交情。
在给当时的法国外长兼总理阿兰·朱佩充当助手之后，1995年，希拉克任命他担任总统顾问使他步入了法国官僚圈子的顶层。黝黑的肤色，满头银发，身高6尺3寸的德维尔潘，最近被一个评论家在伦敦的《观察家》报上描述为“一幅外交官的招贴画。”
他的同事们说，他承认自己很少有时间和妻子玛莉-萝蕊以及他们三个十几岁的孩子，阿瑟，玛莉和维多莉在一起。
他的下属被他的工作习惯弄得疲惫不堪，去年秋天刚刚从阿富汗的午夜班机到家，他就唤醒助手召开会议。“我喜欢一天杀死他们中的一个，”他开玩笑地对记者说。
在采访的过程中他坚持自己的所作所为是出于对美国的爱而不是仇视。“真的，我们真心认为美国在伊拉克问题上使自己的将来面临极大的风险，”他说，“要知道我是多么关爱美国才这么做的。”
*在此感谢对本文提出意见的曾子曰先生
Diplomacy at High Speed, Pour la France!
By ELAINE SCIOLINO
ALGIERS — When people talk about Dominique Galouzeau de Villepin, one image that springs to mind is that of a rabbit.
France's foreign minister is the Energizer bunny of diplomacy, a hyperactive force who sleeps no more than four and a half hours a night, enjoys waking up aides to discuss matters of state, runs marathons by day and writes poetry by night.
In the span of seven days in January, he was in Ivory Coast on a Saturday negotiating with warring factions, in Russia on Wednesday preparing President Vladimir V. Putin's state visit to France and in China on Thursday and South Korea on Friday to discuss the North Korean nuclear threat. Altogether, in his first 10 months in the job, he has traveled to 70 countries, including this trip accompanying President Jacques Chirac on his first state visit to Algeria.
By far his biggest impact on the world scene has been to emerge as the most vocal and relentless critic of the Bush administration's march to war against Iraq. As the architect of the French-German-Russian initiative this week to stop the United States from passing a war resolution at the United Nations — unless international weapons inspections fail — what Mr. de Villepin says and does have taken on a level of importance unheard of in trans-Atlantic diplomacy.
In the United States, his antiwar stance has unleashed an onslaught of Villepin-bashing, leading one columnist to call him "oleaginous," another to dub him "diplomacy lite."
Instead of giving him pause, the criticism gives him more energy. "All criticism is justified, all praise is unjustified," he said in an interview in his hotel suite here on Tuesday. "You grow with criticism; you are diminished with praise."
Much of the American criticism has come from within the Bush administration itself, where Mr. de Villepin has been vilified for daring to take on Secretary of State Colin L. Powell.
The two were said to have developed a warm relationship during negotiations last fall over a Security Council resolution demanding Iraqi cooperation with weapons inspections. But the relationship unraveled in January, after Mr. Powell felt betrayed by Mr. de Villepin when the French demanded a Security Council meeting on terrorism. In Mr. Powell's eyes, the event turned into a forum for Mr. de Villepin to slam Washington — without any warning — when he said that "nothing justifies envisaging military action" in Iraq.
In turn, according to French officials, Mr. de Villepin had believed Mr. Powell's assurances that the goal of American policy was not to overthrow President Saddam Hussein, but to disarm Iraq. When Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld contradicted that view, Mr. de Villepin also felt betrayed.
While Mr. de Villepin, 49, runs at high speed, it is sometimes difficult to know where he going. Even some of his closest aides call him brilliant or a bit crazy or both, and some diplomats have taken to calling him "Zorro."
Asked in a television interview in January about his perpetual motion, he replied: "It is crucial because the urgency is there. The urgency of great international questions. Terrorism. Proliferation. The rise of fundamentalism. The multiplicity of crises which have an impact on the lives of all of us. Today, you can't put a veil over your face."
If Mr. de Villepin has a vision, it is to revive the greatness of France — a romantic view he articulated in his book, "The Hundred Days," the first published volume of a biography of Napoleon that tells the story of the emperor's return from exile, his triumphant march across France and his final defeat at Waterloo.
Describing Napoleon's philosophy as "Victory or death, but glory whatever happens," Mr. de Villepin added, "There is not a day that goes by without me feeling the imperious need to remember so as not to yield in the face of indifference, laughter or gibes" in order to "advance further in the name of a French ambition."
Other clues to his thinking and temperament can be found in his black leather Gucci briefcase, which he opened up during the interview. Out came a thick dossier tied with a ribbon that contained the manuscript of the second volume of the Napoleon biography, a folder containing a collection of his poems that he is re-editing, the manuscript of a friend's book for which he is writing an introduction, a dossier on painting and, only then, his official papers on Algeria.
"You see, I like to do many things at the same time," he said. "That's the only way to stay awake. At three in the morning you need to do something different than at two in the morning, because if not, you fall asleep."
Just the day before, Mr. de Villepin said, he had written a poem for the national security adviser, Maurice Gourdault-Montagne. Asked to read a poem, Mr. de Villepin read three.
As the most trusted aide of Mr. Chirac, who once described Mr. de Villepin as "a little like a son," he enjoys an independence that is unique in French politics.
A cover photo in the magazine Paris-Match two weeks ago stunned even veterans in the French political elite. There was Mr. Chirac, dressed in a suit, standing ever so slightly behind Mr. de Villepin, in shirt sleeves. "De Villepin looks like the dauphin, so intimate with the president that he doesn't even feel obliged to put on his jacket," said one longtime French diplomat.
Mr. de Villepin has his share of political enemies, who blame him for talking Mr. Chirac into dissolving the National Assembly in 1997 and calling early elections, a move that brought a Socialist-led government and ushered in five years of uneasy power-sharing with Mr. Chirac. The president has protected him ever since.
Indeed, members of Mr. Chirac's political circle who believe in the sanctity of the trans-Atlantic alliance complain bitterly that party operatives, the Defense Ministry and the armed forces have been pushed aside and that no one but the president and Mr. de Villepin are defining French foreign policy.
His proximity to the pinnacle of power has led to speculation that he has the ambition to be president one day. Few of those close to him believe his fierce denials. "I have never wanted to have a political career," he insisted. "I just aspire to serve."
Although Mr. de Villepin was little known outside of France before becoming foreign minister, he is the son of a powerful senator. Born in Morocco and raised abroad as a child, Mr. de Villepin served as the news media spokesman at the French Embassy in Washington during the Reagan administration, using the time to forge friendships with journalists, lobbyists and Congressional staffers.
After working as a key aide to Alain Juppé when Mr. Juppé was foreign minister and then prime minister, Mr. de Villepin was catapulted into the bureaucratic stratosphere when Mr. Chirac made him his top adviser in 1995. Perpetually tanned, the silver-haired, 6-foot-3 Mr. de Villepin was described recently by a commentator in the London newspaper The Observer as "a diplomatic pin-up."
He confesses to aides that he has little time to spend with his wife, Marie-Laure, and their three teenage children, Arthur, Marie and Victoire, his colleagues said.
His staff is run ragged by his work habits. After midnight on a flight home from Afghanistan last fall, he woke up his aides to have a meeting. "I like to kill one of them a day," he joked to one journalist.
In the interview, he insisted that his antiwar stance was motivated by love, not hatred, of the United States. "Really, we are so convinced that America is taking such risks for its future with this Iraq cause," he said. "To act like I do, you have to know how much I love America."