布什：布拉格演讲

Remarks by President Bush in Prague, Czech Republic

    WASHINGTON, June 5 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- The following is atranscript of remarks by President Bush in Prague:                                  Large Hall                                Czernin Palace                            Prague, Czech Republic    4:07 P.M. (Local)    THE PRESIDENT: President Ilves, Foreign Minister Schwarzenberg,distinguished guests: Laura and I are pleased to be back in Prague, and weappreciate the gracious welcome in this historic hall. Tomorrow I attendthe G-8 Summit, where I will meet with the leaders of the world's mostpowerful economies. This afternoon, I stand with men and women whorepresent an even greater power -- the power of human conscience.    In this room are dissidents and democratic activists from 17 countrieson five continents. You follow different traditions, you practice differentfaiths, and you face different challenges. But you are united by anunwavering conviction: that freedom is the non-negotiable right of everyman, woman, and child, and that the path to lasting peace in our world isliberty. (Applause.)    This conference was conceived by three of the great advocates forfreedom in our time: Jose Maria Aznar, Vaclav Havel, and Natan Sharansky. Ithank them for the invitation to address this inspiring assembly, and forshowing the world that an individual with moral clarity and courage canchange the course of history.    It is fitting that we meet in the Czech Republic -- a nation at theheart of Europe, and of the struggle for freedom on this continent. Ninedecades ago, Tomas Masaryk proclaimed Czechoslovakia's independence basedon the "ideals of modern democracy." That democracy was interrupted, firstby the Nazis and then by the communists, who seized power in a shamefulcoup that left the Foreign Minister dead in the courtyard of this palace.    Through the long darkness of Soviet occupation, the true face of thisnation was never in doubt. The world saw it in the reforms of the PragueSpring and the principled demands of Charter 77. Those efforts were metwith tanks and truncheons and arrests by secret police. But the violentwould not have the final word. In 1989, thousands gathered in WenceslasSquare to call for their freedom. Theaters like the Magic Lantern becameheadquarters for dissidents. Workers left their factories to support astrike. And within weeks, the regime crumbled. Vaclav Havel went fromprisoner of state to head of state. And the people of Czechoslovakiabrought down the Iron Curtain with a Velvet Revolution.    Across Europe, similar scenes were unfolding. In Poland, a movementthat began in a single shipyard freed people across a nation. In Hungary,mourners gathered at Heroes Square to bury a slain reformer -- and burytheir communist regime, too. In East Germany, families came together forprayer meetings -- and found the strength to tear down a wall. Soon,activists emerged from the attics and church basements to reclaim thestreets of Bulgaria, and Romania, and Albania, and Latvia, and Lithuania,and Estonia. The Warsaw Pact was dissolved peacefully in this very room.And after seven decades of oppression, the Soviet Union ceased to exist.    Behind these astonishing achievements was the triumph of freedom in thebattle of ideas. The communists had an imperial ideology that claimed toknow the directions of history. But in the end, it was overpowered byordinary people who wanted to live their lives, and worship their God, andspeak the truth to their children. The communists had the harsh rule ofBrezhnev, and Honecker, and Ceausescu. But in the end, it was no match forthe vision of Walesa and Havel, the defiance of Sakharov and Sharansky, theresolve of Reagan and Thatcher, and fearless witness of John Paul. Fromthis experience, a clear lesson has emerged: freedom can be resisted, andfreedom can be delayed, but freedom cannot be denied.    In the years since liberation, Central and Eastern European nationshave navigated the difficult transition to democracy. Leaders made thetough reforms needed to enter NATO and the European Union. Citizens claimedtheir freedom in the Balkans and beyond. And now, after centuries of warand suffering, the continent of Europe is at last in peace.    With this new era have come new threats to freedom. In dark andrepressive corners of the world, whole generations grew up with no voice intheir government and no hope in their future. This life of oppression breddeep resentment. And for many, resentment boiled over into radicalism andextremism and violence. The world saw the result on September the 11th,2001, when terrorists based in Afghanistan sent 19 suicidal men to murdernearly 3,000 innocent people in the United States.    For some, this attack called for a narrow response. In truth, 9/11 wasevidence of a much broader danger -- an international movement of violentIslamic extremists that threatens free people everywhere. The extremists'ambition is to build a totalitarian empire that spans all current andformer Muslim lands, including parts of Europe. Their strategy to achievethat goal is to frighten the world into surrender through a ruthlesscampaign of terrorist murder.    To confront this enemy, America and our allies have taken the offensivewith the full range of our military, intelligence, and law enforcementcapabilities. Yet this battle is more than a military conflict. Like theCold War, it's an ideological struggle between two fundamentally differentvisions of humanity. On one side are the extremists, who promise paradise,but deliver a life of public beatings and repression of women and suicidebombings. On the other side are huge numbers of moderate men and women --including millions in the Muslim world -- who believe that every human lifehas dignity and value that no power on Earth can take away.    The most powerful weapon in the struggle against extremism is notbullets or bombs -- it is the universal appeal of freedom. Freedom is thedesign of our Maker, and the longing of every soul. Freedom is the best wayto unleash the creativity and economic potential of a nation. Freedom isthe only ordering of a society that leads to justice. And human freedom isthe only way to achieve human rights.    Expanding freedom is more than a moral imperative -- it is the onlyrealistic way to protect our people in the long run. Years ago, AndreiSakharov warned that a country that does not respect the rights of its ownpeople will not respond to the rights of its neighbors. History proves himright. Governments accountable to their people do not attack each other.Democracies address problems through the political process, instead ofblaming outside scapegoats. Young people who can disagree openly with theirleaders are less likely to adopt violent ideologies. And nations thatcommit to freedom for their people will not support extremists -- they willjoin in defeating them.    For all these reasons, the United States is committed to the advance offreedom and democracy as the great alternatives to repression andradicalism. (Applause.) And we have a historic objective in view. In mysecond inaugural address, I pledged America to the ultimate goal of endingtyranny in our world. Some have said that qualifies me as a "dissidentpresident." If standing for liberty in the world makes me a dissident, Iwear that title with pride. (Applause.)    America pursues our freedom agenda in many ways -- some vocal andvisible, others quiet and hidden from view. Ending tyranny requires supportfor the forces of conscience that undermine repressive societies fromwithin. The Soviet dissident Andrei Amalrik compared a tyrannical state toa soldier who constantly points a gun at his enemy -- until his armsfinally tire and the prisoner escapes. The role of the free world is to putpressure on the arms of the world's tyrants -- and strengthen the prisonerswho are trying to speed their collapse.    So I meet personally with dissidents and democratic activists from someof the world's worst dictatorships -- including Belarus, and Burma, andCuba, and North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. At this conference, I lookforward to meeting other dissidents, including some from Iran and Syria.One of those dissidents is Mamoun Homsi. In 2001, this man was anindependent member of the Syrian parliament who simply issued a declarationasking the government to begin respecting human rights. For this entirelypeaceful act, he was arrested and sent to jail, where he spent severalyears beside other innocent advocates for a free Syria.    Another dissident I will meet here is Rebiyah Kadeer of China, whosesons have been jailed in what we believe is an act of retaliation for herhuman rights activities. The talent of men and women like Rebiyah is thegreatest resource of their nations, far more valuable than the weapons oftheir army or their oil under the ground. America calls on every nationthat stifles dissent to end its repression, to trust its people, and togrant its citizens the freedom they deserve. (Applause.)    There are many dissidents who couldn't join us because they are beingunjustly imprisoned or held under house arrest. I look forward to the daywhen a conference like this one include Alexander Kozulin of Belarus, AungSan Suu Kyi of Burma, Oscar Elias Biscet of Cuba, Father Nguyen Van Ly ofVietnam, Ayman Nour of Egypt. (Applause.) The daughter of one of thesepolitical prisoners is in this room. I would like to say to her, and allthe families: I thank you for your courage. I pray for your comfort andstrength. And I call for the immediate and unconditional release of yourloved ones. (Applause.)    In the eyes of America, the democratic dissidents today are thedemocratic leaders of tomorrow. So we're taking new steps to strengthen oursupport. We recently created a Human Rights Defenders Fund, which providesgrants for the legal defense and medical expenses of activists arrested orbeaten by repressive governments. I strongly support the Prague Documentthat your conference plans to issue, which states that "the protection ofhuman rights is critical to international peace and security." And inkeeping with the goals of that declaration, I have asked Secretary Rice tosend a directive to every U.S. ambassador in an un-free nation: seek outand meet with activists for democracy. Seek out those who demand humanrights. (Applause.)    People living in tyranny need to know they are not forgotten. NorthKoreans live in a closed society where dissent is brutally suppressed, andthey are cut off from their brothers and sisters to the south. The Iraniansare a great people who deserve to chart their own future, but they aredenied their liberty by a handful of extremists whose pursuit of nuclearweapons prevents their country from taking its rightful place amongst thethriving. The Cubans are desperate for freedom -- and as that nation entersa period of transition, we must insist on free elections and free speechand free assembly. (Applause.) And in Sudan, freedom is denied and basichuman rights are violated by a government that pursues genocide against itsown citizens. My message to all those who suffer under tyranny is this: wewill never excuse your oppressors. We will always stand for your freedom.(Applause.)    Freedom is also under assault in countries that have shown someprogress. In Venezuela, elected leaders have resorted to shallow populismto dismantle democratic institutions and tighten their grip on power. Thegovernment of Uzbekistan continues to silence independent voices by jailinghuman rights activists. And Vietnam recently arrested and imprisoned anumber of peaceful religious and political activists.    These developments are discouraging, but there are more reasons foroptimism. At the start of the 1980s, there were only 45 democracies onEarth. There are now more than 120 democracies -- more people now live infreedom than ever before. And it is the responsibility of those who enjoythe blessings of liberty to help those who are struggling to establishtheir free societies. So the United States has nearly doubled funding fordemocracy projects. We're working with our partners in the G-8 to promotethe rise of a vibrant civil society in the Middle East through initiativeslike the Forum for the Future. We're cooperating side-by-side with the newdemocracies in Ukraine and Georgia and Kyrgyzstan. We congratulate thepeople of Yemen on their landmark presidential election, and the people ofKuwait on elections in which women were able to vote and run for office forthe first time. (Applause.) We stand firmly behind the people of Lebanonand Afghanistan and Iraq as they defend their democratic gains againstextremist enemies. (Applause.) These people are making tremendoussacrifices for liberty. They deserve the admiration of the free world, andthey deserve our unwavering support. (Applause.)    The United States is also using our influence to urge valued partnerslike Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to move toward freedom. Thesenations have taken brave stands and strong action to confront extremists,along with some steps to expand liberty and transparency. Yet they have agreat distance still to travel. The United States will continue to pressnations like these to open up their political systems, and give greatervoice to their people. Inevitably, this creates tension. But ourrelationships with these countries are broad enough and deep enough to bearit. As our relationships with South Korea and Taiwan during the Cold Warprove, America can maintain a friendship and push a nation toward democracyat the same time. (Applause.)    We're also applying that lesson to our relationships with Russia andChina. (Applause.) The United States has strong working relationships withthese countries. Our friendship with them is complex. In the areas where weshare mutual interests, we work together. In other areas, we have strongdisagreements. China's leaders believe that they can continue to open thenation's economy without opening its political system. We disagree.(Applause.) In Russia, reforms that were once promised to empower citizenshave been derailed, with troubling implications for democratic development.Part of a good relationship is the ability to talk openly about ourdisagreements. So the United States will continue to build ourrelationships with these countries -- and we will do it without abandoningour principles or our values. (Applause.)    We appreciate that free societies take shape at different speeds indifferent places. One virtue of democracy is that it reflects local historyand traditions. Yet there are fundamental elements that all democraciesshare -- freedom of speech, religion, press, and assembly; rule of lawenforced by independent courts; private property rights; and politicalparties that compete in free and fair elections. (Applause.) These rightsand institutions are the foundation of human dignity, and as countries findtheir own path to freedom, they must find a loyal partner in the UnitedStates of America.    Extending the reach of freedom is a mission that unites democraciesaround the world. Some of the greatest contributions are coming fromnations with the freshest memories of tyranny. I appreciate the CzechRepublic's support for human rights projects in Belarus and Burma and Cuba.I thank Germany, and Poland, and the Czech Republic, and Hungary, andSlovenia, and Georgia, Lithuania, Estonia, Croatia for contributing to thenew United Nations Democracy Fund. I'm grateful for the commitment many newdemocracies in Central and Eastern Europe are making to Afghanistan andIraq. I appreciate that these countries are willing to do the hard worknecessary to enable people who want to be free to live in a free society.(Applause.)    In all these ways, the freedom agenda is making a difference. The workhas been difficult, and that is not going to change. There will be triumphsand failures, progress and setbacks. Ending tyranny cannot be achievedovernight. And of course, this objective has its critics.    Some say that ending tyranny means "imposing our values" on people whodo not share them, or that people live in parts of the world where freedomcannot take hold. That is refuted by the fact that every time people aregiven a choice, they choose freedom. We saw that when the people of LatinAmerica turned dictatorships into democracies, and the people of SouthAfrica replaced apartheid with a free society, and the people of Indonesiaended their long authoritarian rule. We saw it when Ukrainians in orangescarves demanded that their ballots be counted. We saw it when millions ofAfghans and Iraqis defied the terrorists to elect free governments. At apolling station in Baghdad, I was struck by the words of an Iraqi -- he hadone leg -- and he told a reporter, "I would have crawled here if I had to."Was democracy -- I ask the critics, was democracy imposed on that man? Wasfreedom a value he did not share? The truth is that the only ones who haveto impose their values are the extremists and the radicals and the tyrants.(Applause.)    And that is why the communists crushed the Prague Spring, and threw aninnocent playwright in jail, and trembled at the sight of a Polish Pope.History shows that ultimately, freedom conquers fear. And given a chance,freedom will conquer fear in every nation on Earth. (Applause.)    Another objective -- objection is that ending tyranny will unleashchaos. Critics point to the violence in Afghanistan, or Iraq, or Lebanon asevidence that freedom leaves people less safe. But look who's causing theviolence. It's the terrorists; it's the extremists. It is no coincidencethat they are targeting young democracies in the Middle East. They knowthat the success of free societies there is a mortal threat to theirambitions -- and to their very survival. The fact that our enemies arefighting back is not a reason to doubt democracy. It is evidence that theyrecognize democracy's power. It is evidence that we are at war. And it isevidence that free nations must do what it takes to prevail. (Applause.)    Still, some argue that a safer goal would be stability, especially inthe Middle East. The problem is that pursuing stability at the expense ofliberty does not lead to peace -- it leads to September the 11th, 2001.(Applause.) The policy of tolerating tyranny is a moral and strategicfailure. It is a mistake the world must not repeat in the 21st century.    Others fear that democracy will bring dangerous forces to power, suchas Hamas in the Palestinian Territories. Elections will not always turn outthe way we hope. Yet democracy consists of more than a single trip to theballot box. Democracy requires meaningful opposition parties, a vibrantcivil society, a government that enforces the law and responds to the needsof its people. Elections can accelerate the creation of such institutions.In a democracy, people will not vote for a life of perpetual violence. Tostay in power, elected officials must listen to their people and pursuetheir desires for peace -- or, in democracies, the voters will replace themthrough free elections.    Finally, there's the contention that ending tyranny is unrealistic.Well, some argue that extending democracy around the world is simply toodifficult to achieve. That's nothing new. We've heard that criticism beforethroughout history. At every stage of the Cold War, there were those whoargued that the Berlin Wall was permanent, and that people behind the IronCurtain would never overcome their oppressors. History has sent a differentmessage.    The lesson is that freedom will always have its skeptics. But that'snot the whole story. There are also people like you, and the loved ones yourepresent -- men and women with courage to risk everything for your ideals.In his first address as President, Vaclav Havel proclaimed, "People, yourgovernment has returned to you!" He was echoing the first speech of TomasMasaryk -- who was, in turn, quoting the 17th century Czech teacherComenius. His message was that freedom is timeless. It does not belong toone government or one generation. Freedom is the dream and the right ofevery person in every nation in every age. (Applause.)    The United States of America believes deeply in that message. It wasthe inspiration for our founding, when we declared that "all men arecreated equal." It was the conviction that led us to help liberate thiscontinent, and stand with the captive nations through their long struggle.It is the truth that guides our nation to oppose radicals and extremistsand terror and tyranny in the world today. And it is the reason I have suchgreat confidence in the men and women in this room.    I leave Prague with a certainty that the cause of freedom is not tired,and that its future is in the best of hands. With unbreakable faith in thepower of liberty, you will inspire your people, you will lead your nations,and you will change the world.    Thanks for having me. And may God bless you. (Applause.)    END 4:38 P.M. (Local)[转贴]布什：布拉格演讲


在这个大厅，有来自5大洲17个国家的持不同政见者和民主活动家。你们遵循着不同的传统，你们信奉着不同的信仰，而且你们面对着不同的挑战，但你们都怀着一个坚定的信念走到了一起：那就是自由是每个男人、女人和孩子不可转让的权利，自由是我们世界建立永久和平的途径。（掌声）

这次会议是我们这个时代三个伟大的自由倡导者发起的，他们是：阿斯纳尔，哈韦尔和沙兰斯基。我感谢他们邀请我来到这个令人鼓舞的会议上发表演讲，并向世界表明，一个具有崇高道德和勇气的人是可以改变历史进程的。

今天，我们在捷克共和国——这个位于欧洲心脏地带的国家，也是为自由而奋斗的国家——召开这个会议是恰如其分的。 90年前，Tomas Masaryk（译者注：第一次世界大战后独立捷克国家的奠基者、第一任总统马萨里克）就宣布了捷克斯洛伐克建立在“现代民主理念”基础上的独立。但这一民主进程却被中断了，开始是被纳粹分子，后来又被共产党人，他们发动了可耻的政变，夺取了国家政权，当时的外交部长就牺牲在了这个宫殿的院子里。

虽然经过了苏联占领的漫长的黑暗时期，但这个国家为争取自由的斗争却从未停止过。在布拉格之春的改革中，在77宪章运动的吁求中，世界看到了自由的力量。这些种种努力遭到了坦克的镇压，棍棒的威吓，秘密警察的逮捕，但暴力不会取得最后的胜利。1989年，成千上万的人聚集在瓦茨拉夫广场要求自由，魔灯剧院成为了持不同政见者的总部，工人们举行了罢工。在数周内，共产党政权崩溃了。哈韦尔从一个国家囚犯变成了国家元首。捷克斯洛伐克人民用天鹅绒革命撕碎了铁幕。

在整个东欧，相似的情景在一一展现。在波兰，肇始于一个造船厂的运动（译者注：团结工会运动）解放了全国人民。在匈牙利，悼念者聚集在英雄广场，为一个被谋杀的改革家（译者注：指匈牙利前总理纳吉）举行葬礼——同时也埋葬了共产党政权。在东德，千家万户因祈祷会聚集在一起，并且寻找到了推倒柏林墙的力量。很快，争取自由的运动从屋顶室、教堂地下室蔓延到了保加利亚、罗马尼亚、阿尔巴尼亚、拉托维亚、立陶宛和爱沙尼亚的大街小巷。正是在这个大厅，华沙条约组织被和平的解散，在70年的压迫统治之后，苏联分崩离析，不复存在。

在这些令人惊讶的成就背后，是自由在这场观念斗争取得了最后的胜利。共产党国家曾信奉一种威严的意识形态，他们宣称掌握了历史的发展方向，但最终，人民抛弃了它，因为他们要生存，因为他们要崇拜上帝，因为他们要向孩子讲真话。共产党国家也曾经历别列日涅夫、昂纳克和齐奥塞斯库等人的严厉统治，但最终，它战胜不过瓦文萨和哈韦尔的理想，萨哈罗夫和沙兰斯基的抗拒，里根和撒切尔夫人的决心以及约翰保罗的无畏见证。历史的经验清楚地说明了一个真理：自由可以被抵制，自由可以被拖延，但自由绝不能被抗拒。

解放后，中东欧国家开始了向民主的艰难转型。各国领袖进行了艰巨的必要改革，以加入北约和欧盟。巴尔干以及之外的国家的公民获得了自由。在经历了数个世纪的战争和苦难之后，欧洲大陆现在终于获得了和平。

随着这个新时代的到来，对自由新的威胁也接踵而至。一代代人在世界黑暗和压迫的角落里长大成人，他们在政府里没有声音，他们对未来没有希望。这种被压迫的生活滋生出了深深的怨恨情结，怨恨又转化成了激进主义、极端主义和暴力活动。世界从911的恐怖袭击中看到了这种仇恨的结果。

一些人只要求对这一袭击作出有限的回应。但事实上，911事件表明，国际社会面临着一个更广泛的危险——伊斯兰极端分子正在威胁着全世界各地的自由人民。极端分子的野心是要建立一个极权主义帝国，这个帝国包括了目前所有的穆斯林领土，甚至包括欧洲的一部分。他们实现目标的战略是通过采取无情的恐怖主义袭击手段，来恫吓全世界，让世界不战而降。

为了对抗这一敌人，美国及其盟友采取了主动攻势，全面动用了军事、情报和执法能力。但这场战争不仅仅是一场军事冲突。就如同冷战一样，这是一场意识形态的斗争，是两个根本不同的人类观念之间的斗争。一方是极端分子，他们允诺天堂，却公开地鞭打和压制妇女，制造着人肉炸弹的生活。另一方是大量的温和的男人和女人——包括穆斯林世界千千万万的人——他们相信，每个人都应当过有价值、有尊严的生活，任何人都无权随意剥夺。

在反抗极端主义的斗争中，最强大的武器不是子弹或炸弹——而是对自由的普遍诉求。自由是我们建国者的理念设计，是每个心灵的渴望追求。自由是一个国家释放创造力和经济潜力的最佳途径，自由是一个社会追求正义的惟一秩序。人类自由是实现人权的唯一途径。

扩展自由不仅仅是一个无可辩驳的道德要求，——从长远来看，它是保护我们的惟一的现实途径。数年前，萨哈罗夫警告说，一个不尊重自己人民权利的国家也不会尊重其邻国的权利。历史证明他是对的。对其人民负责任的政府不会相互袭击。民主国家可以通过政治协商解决问题，而不是寻找代罪羔羊。可以公开不同意领导人意见的年轻人极少会采纳激烈的意识形态。而人民享有自由的国家也不会支持极端分子——他们将团结起来，击败极端分子。

正是出于所有这些原因，美国承诺要推进全世界的自由和民主事业，取代那些专制和激进主义的政权。（掌声）这是我们在考虑中的一个历史性目标。在我的第二届任职演说中，我向美国保证，要彻底根除和终结我们这个世界上的暴政。一些人把我称为“持不同政见者总统”。如果因为支持世界的自由事业而使我成为一个持不同政见者，那么我愿骄傲地戴上这顶头衔。（掌声）

美国将以多种方式追求我们的自由议程——一些是看得见的、公开的，另一些则是静悄悄的、隐秘的。结束暴政需要道德良心力量的支持，它会从内部削弱专制社会。苏联的持不同政见者安德烈· 阿马利克将一个独裁国家比作时时把枪指着敌人的士兵——直到他的手臂最终疲劳，犯人逃跑。自由世界的作用就是给世界上暴君的手臂增加压力——并且加强犯人试图加速政权崩溃的力量。

因此，我私下接见了世界上一些最坏的独裁国家——包括白俄罗斯、缅甸、古巴、北朝鲜、苏丹和津巴布韦——的持不同政见者、民主活动家。在此次会议上，我期待着会见其他的持不同政见者，包括来自伊朗和叙利亚的持不同政见者。在这些人当中，有一个叫马穆·胡姆斯的叙利亚人，2001年他是叙利亚议会的独立派议员，仅仅因为发表了一个要求政府尊重人权的声明，仅仅因为这一完全和平的行为，他就遭到了逮捕并被投入监狱，与其他争取自由叙利亚的无辜的倡导者们一道度过好几年的铁窗生涯。

我将会见的另一个持不同政见者是中国的热比娅·卡迪尔，她的儿子们身陷囹圄，我们认为这是对她从事人权活动的一种报复。象热比娅这样的人才是他们民族最宝贵的财富，价值远远超过他们军队的武器或是地下的石油。美国呼吁每个镇压持不同政见者的国家要结束其压迫，信任其人民，并给予其公民应得的自由。（掌声）

还有许多的持不同政见者不能和我们在一起，因为他们遭到了不公正的监禁或软禁。我期待着有一天，白俄罗斯的亚历山大·库祖林、缅甸的昂山素季、古巴的奥斯卡·伊利亚斯·比斯塞特、越南的阮文力教父（音译）、埃及的阿曼·努尔（掌声）能够来参加今天的会议。其中有一个政治犯的女儿今天就在我们这里，我想对她说，对所有的家庭说：谢谢你们的勇气，我为你们的平安和力量祈祷。我呼吁立即无条件地释放你们所爱的亲人。（掌声）

在美国的眼里，今天民主的持不同政见者就是明天的民主领袖。因此，我们正在采取新的步骤，加强我们的支持力度。最近我们设立了人权守护者基金，为受到专制政府逮捕或殴打的民主活动家提供法律辩护、医疗救助等援助措施。我强烈支持会议准备发表的《布拉格文件》，文件指出，“保护人权对国际和平和安全至关重要”。为了实现宣言的目标，我已要求赖斯国务卿向每一个在不自由国家的美国大使发出指令：竭力寻找并会见民主运动活动家，竭力寻找要求人权的人们。（掌声）

生活在暴政下的人民需要知道他们没有被遗忘。北朝鲜人生活在一个封闭的社会里，在那儿持不同政见者被残酷镇压，他们与南方的兄弟姐妹骨肉分离。伊朗人是一个伟大的民族，是有权规划自己未来的民族，但他们的自由权利却被一帮谋求核武器的极端分子剥夺。古巴人也极其渴望自由——随着国家进入转型期，我们必须坚持自由的选举、自由的言论和自由的集会。（掌声）

在苏丹，自由遭到了抗拒，基本人权被一个正在对自己人民实施种族屠杀的政府践踏。我要对所有遭受暴政统治的人民说：我们绝不饶恕压迫自由的人。我们将永远支持你们的自由。（掌声）

自由在那些取得一些进展的国家也遭到了攻击。在委内瑞拉，民选领导人正利用浅薄的民粹主义破坏民主制度，强化其对权力的掌控。乌兹别克斯坦的政府正继续通过监禁人权活动家来压制独立的声音。越南最近也逮捕并拘禁了一群和平的宗教和政治活动家。

这些事态发展尽管让人感到消沉，但有更多的理由保持乐观。20世纪80年代初，世界上仅有45个民主政体，但现在已经有120多个民主国家——越来越多的人民现在生活在自由当中。享受自由福音的国家的人民有责任、有义务去帮助那些正在为建立自由社会而斗争的人民。为此，美国为民主计划投入了将近两倍的资金。我们正在与八国集团的盟友们一道，通过未来论坛这样的倡议推动中东生机勃勃的公民社会的崛起。我们正在与乌克兰、格鲁吉亚、吉尔吉斯斯坦的新兴民主国家紧密合作，我们祝贺也门人民举行了里程碑式的总统选举，我们祝贺科威特人民的选举，妇女第一次有了投票权，第一次可以参加公职竞选。（掌声）

我们坚定地与黎巴嫩、阿富汗和伊拉克人民站在一起，因为他们在保卫他们的民主果实不被极端的敌人窃取。（掌声）这些国家的人民正在为自由作出巨大的牺牲。他们赢得了自由世界的尊敬，他们赢得了我们坚定的支持。（掌声）

美国也正在使用其影响力，敦促象埃及、沙特阿拉伯和巴基斯坦这样的伙伴迈向自由。这些国家已经采取了勇敢的措施去对抗极端分子，同时也采取了一些措施扩大自由和透明度。但他们仍有一大段路要走。美国将继续鼓励这些国家开放其政治体制，给人民更多的言论权。这不可避免会带来紧张。但我们与这些国家的关系既深且广，足以承受这一变革。正如我们在冷战时与韩国和台湾的关系所证明的那样，美国一方面可以保持友谊，另一方面可以促进一国走向民主。（掌声）

我们也将这一经验运用于我们处理与俄罗斯和中国的关系问题上。（掌声）美国与这些国家建立了深厚的工作关系。我们的友谊是复杂的。在一些领域我们有着共同的利益，我们紧密合作。而在另一些领域，我们却有着强烈的分歧。中国的领导人认为，他们可以继续开放本国的经济而不用改革其政治体制。我们不同意这一观点。（掌声）在俄罗斯，曾经一度赋予公民权利的改革已经偏离了轨道，对民主的发展产生了恶劣的影响。我们良好关系的一部分就是可以公开地谈论我们之间的分歧。因此，美国将继续与这些国家保持关系——但我们绝不会放弃我们的原则或我们的价值观。（掌声）

我们赞同，自由社会的形成和建立在不同的地方，有着不同的发展速度。民主的一个基本属性就是，它必须反映本国的历史和传统。然而，所有的民主国家都有一些共同的基本要素——言论自由，宗教自由，新闻自由，集会自由；独立法院执行的法治；私人财产权；以及在自由公正选举中进行竞争的政党。（掌声）这些权利和制度是人类尊严的基石，随着各国探索符合本国的自由发展之路，他们必定发现美国是一个忠诚的伙伴。

扩展自由的边界是将全世界民主国家团结起来的一项任务和使命。对自由最伟大的贡献是来自于曾经对暴政有着最鲜明记忆的国家。我赞赏捷克共和国对白俄罗斯、缅甸和古巴的人权计划的支持。我感谢德国、波兰、捷克共和国、匈牙利、斯洛文尼亚、格鲁吉亚、立陶宛、爱沙尼亚、克罗地亚对新的联合国民主基金会作出的贡献。我万分感谢中东欧许多新兴民主国家对阿富汗和伊拉克作出的承诺。我赞赏这些国家愿意尽其所能，去帮助想自由地生活在自由社会中的人们。（掌声）

自由的议程正在以各种各样的方式创造一个别样的历史。任务非常艰巨，也不会立竿见影。这中间将会有胜利，也有失败，有进步，也有挫折。结束暴政不能希冀一夜之间就能实现。当然，对这一目标也有许多批评。

一些人认为，结束暴政意味着“将我们的价值观强加”在那些与我们价值观不同的人或那些生活在自由还未扎根的世界的人身上。这一论点经不起反驳，如果给人民一次选择，他们必定选择自由。当拉丁美洲的人民从独裁政体转向民主政体的时候，当南非人民用自由社会取代种族隔离的时候，当印尼人民结束长期的威权统治的时候，我们看到了自由；当系着橙色丝带的乌克兰人要求计算选票的时候，我们看到了自由；当成千上万的阿富汗人和伊拉克人不畏恐怖分子的威胁去选举自由政府的时候，我们看到了自由。在巴格达的一个投票站，我被一个只有一条腿的伊拉克人的一番话深深打动，他对记者说：“如果我不得不这样子的话，我会爬着到这儿来投票。”我倒要反问一下那些批评家，民主难道是强加在那个人身上的吗？自由难道不是他所认同的价值观吗？事实上，将价值观强加在人们身上的人恰恰是极端分子、激进分子和专制暴君。（掌声）

这就是共产党为什么要镇压布拉格之春，把一个无辜的剧作家投入监狱，对波兰教皇的见证感到颤抖的原因。历史表明，自由最终会征服恐惧。如果有机会，自由也将会征服全世界每个国家的恐惧。（掌声）

另一个貌似客观的反对意见认为，结束暴政将会打开混乱的潘多拉盒子。他们以阿富汗、伊拉克或黎巴嫩的暴力局面为例，证明自由让人民感到更不安全。但我们要看一看是谁制造了暴力。是恐怖分子，是极端分子，他们把目标盯牢中东年轻的民主国家，这绝不是什么巧合。他们知道，自由社会的成功是对他们野心，也是对他们生存的道德威胁。我们的敌人在反击这一事实并不是质疑民主的一个理由。事实是，他们认识到了民主的威力，事实是，我们处在战争中，事实是，自由国家必须竭尽全力，取得最终的胜利。（掌声）

还有一些人认为，一个更安全的目标应该是稳定，特别是在中东。问题是，以牺牲自由为代价追求的稳定并不能带来和平——它只带来了911。（掌声）

容忍暴政的政策是一个道德和战略失败。21世纪的世界再也不能重蹈这一错误。

一些人还担心，民主会将危险的力量送上权力的宝座，比如巴勒斯坦的哈马斯。选举并不总能带来我们希望的结果，然而民主并不仅仅是走向投票箱，民主要求有意义的反对党，一个活跃的公民社会，一个能够执行法律、对其人民的要求作出回应的政府。选举可以加快创建这样的制度。在一个民主国家，人民不会为无休无止的暴力生活投票，为了执政，被选举的官员必须倾听人民的呼声，追求人民和平的愿望——否则，民主国家的选民会通过自由选举将他们换下台。

最后，有一种意见认为结束暴政是不现实的。是的，一些人会认为在全世界扩展民主太难，难以成功。这是老调重弹。回顾历史，我们也曾听到过这种批评的论调。在冷战时，有些人就认为柏林墙会永久存在，铁幕后面的人民绝不会战胜他们的压迫者。但历史的发展改写了这一切。

历史的教训是，人们常常会对自由产生怀疑。但这不是自由的全部。也有象你们这样为自己的理想，勇于承担一切风险的人。在哈韦尔总统的第一次演讲中，他宣布：“人民，你们的政府已经归还了你们！”。他要表达的意思是，自由是永恒的。自由不属于一个政府或一代人。自由是每个时代每个国家每个人的梦想和权利。（掌声）

美利坚合众国深信这句话。她曾激励着我们建国的梦想，当我们宣布“人人生而平等”的时候。她曾是我们的信念，率领着我们解放欧洲大陆，并与为自由而长期奋斗的被监禁的国家和人民站在一起。她是真理，指引着我们的国家推翻今天世界上的激进分子、极端分子、恐怖分子和专制暴君。

我离开布拉格，满怀信心：自由的事业不会疲倦，自由的未来将掌握在最好的人的手里。怀着对自由力量的不可动摇的信念，你们将会鼓舞你们的人民，你们将会领导你们的国家，你们将会改变世界。