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加拿大小姐怒斥中国无人权,中国校友反击 国教授说公道话

(2026-10-27 12:16:40) 下一个

加拿大小姐怒斥中国毫无人权,中国校友反击,最后英国教授说了句公道话

2026年10月14日
西方究竟要不要与中国打一场新冷战?这场辩论围绕华为5G、知识产权、南海争议、海外影响力和人权问题展开激烈交锋。支持者认为中国的政治制度与国际影响力构成挑战,反对者则质疑冷战策略的现实代价。 更值得关注的是后半段英国学者的观点:西方过去试图通过经济接触改变中国,为什么没有得到预期结果?当不同政治制度与价值体系长期并存,中美关系又该如何走下去?本期从辩论双方的论据出发,拆解新冷战、中西关系与大国竞争背后的战略分歧。对话时间:2023年
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crowned MissWorld Canada in 2015 because I used the platform to speak about China's human rights abuses. My father in China was threatened by the security
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agents. His business dismantled. Now my grandparents and him are both banned. UK just signed a deal supporting Huawei to
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be a leading row in its 5G network building. That's like inviting a Trojan horse.
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We could talk about China's military buildup. Its aggression in the South China Sea not only threatens regional peace and open trade, but undermines the
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international law that Thank you very much for inviting me to participate in this very important debate. I'm speaking today for the motion that this house
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will support a cold war with China, but communist China, not China itself. I am not anti-China. I love my people and I love China.
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When I left China when I was 13 years old to Canada, I continued my exploration in the culture's great
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literature philosophy. And I know that by heart that China's philosophical and cultural tradition does not necessarily
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set it against Western values. In fact, it is entirely possible for a strong and prosperous China to coexist with the West.
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Look at Taiwan or look to history.
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For centuries, China embraced the confusion outlook and was mostly an inward oriented empire. If anything, in the 19th centuries, it was the West, the
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colonial powers along with Japan and Russia that posed a major threat to China, not the other way around.
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But today's China is different. We're now dealing with a one party authoritarian mercantalist state that is openly hostile to to Western value and the international system.
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In considering China's threat, communist China's threat, there are many angles we could explore. We could talk about China's economic warfare, how it state
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sanctioned intellectual property theft has cost Western nations trillions of dollars annually, or its exploitation of the WTO.
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We could talk about China's cyber warfare. UK just signed a deal supporting Huawei to be a leading role in its 5G network building. That's like inviting a Trojan horse.
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We could talk about China's military buildup. Its aggression in the South China Sea not only threatens regional peace and open trade but undermines the
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international law that preserves openness and order. We could talk about China's support to North Korea or Iran
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or how it hijacks the human rights council in the UN or its support for undemocratic and kleptocratic states in
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Africa or how it exports its surveillance technology to help other nations crack down on descent. We could talk about its lacks regulatory system
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brings dangerous exports to our shores or its censorship of information endangers global health. Now the corona
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virus outbreak is a perfect example or we I can tell you personally how the Chinese government targets family of
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political dissident abroad. When I was crowned Misswar Canada in 2015 because I used the platform to speak about China's
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human rights abuses. My father in China was threatened by the security agents.
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His business dismantled. Now my grandparents and him are both banned all banned from traveling outside. I could
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go on, but for tonight's forum, I'm going to take a novel approach by asking, how does China see us? Does the Chinese
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Communist Party already consider itself to be in a cold war with the West? As a child in China, I remember being indoctrinated with the propaganda of the hostile foreign forces.
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We were repeatedly told that the Western power subjugated and humiliated China in the 19th century. And these old
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grievances were kept alive to divert domestic discontent.
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We were told over and over again that even today the west continue to covertly undermine, isolate, destabilize the
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country. Any expression of discontent within China, including the protests of Tibetan Buddhist, fallong practitioner,
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democracy activists are all blamed to the blackand of anti-China forces in the west. Chinese courageous human rights
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lawyers are being called agents of foreign hostile forces. The pattern continues today. The Chinese government claim that the west is behind Hong
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Kong's pro-democracy movement and the Taiwanese government. Essentially, all domestic problem are blamed onto the
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invisible enemy of the West. Let's look at some recent development in China to see what that can tell us about this country's motive.
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In 2017, China banned foreign NOS's from operating within the country unless they submit to government control. Even
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environmental groups and women's health groups have to have their annual report and their annual plans being approved by
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the police. The Chinese government claimed that this is to ensure that these NOS's do not subvert the country.
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Now, why would the Chinese government worry that these foreign NOS's would do anything harmful to China? Perhaps because the Chinese control groups are doing exactly this in our countries.
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Beijing backed numerous front organizations, civil societies in Western society. These groups act as an extension to the party and state
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apparatus. They're oftentimes mobilized to influence local election results or policies in the West.
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These groups are controlled directly by the United Front Department and the Office of Overseas Chinese. But these
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connections are often concealed from the public. Now let's look at another example. In 2016, Chinese government banned the talk of democracy, universal
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human rights, rule of law in Chinese classrooms and curriculum.
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That is a clear signal that the Chinese Communist Party sees the Western value as a threat to its ideology and its view on the importance of indoctrinating its
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youth on the right political view. Well, western ideas are not allowed into Chinese classroom.
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Western universities have seated control of their own program to the communist party through Confucious Institute. The
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Confucious Institute present itself as a nonprofit language program, but is actually directly controlled by the Communist Party, including its
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propaganda ministry. A senior communist official has said that the Confucious Institute is an important part of China's overseas propaganda effort. Yet
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these institutes are embedded in hundreds of universities in the west raising troubling question on academic freedom and freedom of expression on university campuses.
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The that story is similar in entertainment and media area. China obsessively censors the internet.
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It only allows a small number of foreign film into the country each year.
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Carefully screen, carefully edited. Even children's animated film like Zootopia is attacked it as western propaganda.
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Now the situation in the west is vastly different. New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Telegraph, these paper all run paid news
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supplements from China Daily, a communist mouthpiece.
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Companies with deep ties with the Chinese Communist Party are now buying or entering joint ventures with major Hollywood studios, creating strong financial incentive for self-censorship.
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Chinese companies already own some of the biggest movie theater chains in the west.
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Now this they get to control what the western audience get to see or not to see. What is getting to produced what
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not. It's increasingly unlikely that we will see a film that is produced about the cultural revolution, the Tyama massacre, Tibetan fallong or weaguers in the Hollywood.
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Now, one may say that our democratic and open western values are more resilient than Chinese brutal authoritarianism.
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I wish that were true, but it isn't.
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Lured by self-interest, our institutions are proven all too willing to give up human rights and free speech.
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Western companies know that their technology are helping the Chinese government to surveil its own system through the infamous social credit system.
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Yet, they still deal with them. We all know that Huawei's 5G technology is a Trojan horse that will affect our
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future, our children's future. But yet, we just signed a deal with them.
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Our values are already compromised. Our way of life is already conceited. But let me remind you that the human rights atrocities, the injustice that are
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happening within Chinese border cannot be contained. It will bleed out to every silent bystanders in the world and the corona virus outbreak is a perfect
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example of that. On December 1st, Chinese government has already discovered the first case of corona virus in Wuhan. Yet the local officials
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spend the first period of time suppressing the news, arrested eight courageous doctors for quote spreading rumor and destabilizing society. The
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local government even went as far as hosting a 100,000 people to a public Chinese New Year dinner just to show that Wuhan is as prosperous as ever and as safe as ever.
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This is reminiscent of what happened in Chernobyl. The Soviets did not admit the nuclear accident until Sweden had picked
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up its fallout and threatened to report it to International Atomic Energy Agency. The Chinese government did not
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reveal the virus and reported about or confirm the virus outbreak until the first overseas case was detected in Thailand.
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One may ask why did the Chinese officials take such a risk? The mentality of Chinese communist officials
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is that they are willing to gamble on human life in the sake of their own rule.
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And this mentality is the same from the smallest town to the central government in Beijing.
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The sole purpose for Chinese Communist Party is to stay in power disregarding the cost of human life.
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There are many doctors, courageous doctors and nurses using different channels to tell try to tell the world the truth about the outbreak.
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They reported that the hospitals are over capacity. Doctors and nurses are infected. Many people are turned away to self- quarantine at home. Many people are dying.
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The life under authoritarian Chinese Communist Party is a life without God's grace.
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It's a life where your innate worth as a human being is never recognized and your value is judged solely on your use for
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the Chinese Communist Party. And that was my childhood.
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I want to close by reminding everyone that supporting a cold war with China, chi, communist China, you're standing
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with the Chinese people by confronting a regime that has brought turmoil and suffering onto this ancient land for decades.
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I also want to leave you with this question.
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If the Chinese Communist government does not treat its own citizen with any respect, why should us in the West
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expect ourselves to be treated any differently? Thank you, Madame President. Thank you for the honor for letting me speak in this historic chamber tonight. Good evening, ladies
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and gentlemen. China and the West are not natural allies, but that doesn't mean that they have to be enemies. The
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rise of China is one of the greatest dramas the world has witnessed since the Big Bang or since One Direction split up. You never really know which one's
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bigger. In only 30 years, the Chinese government has lifted almost half a billion people out of poverty. That's the equivalent of the entire continent
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of South America. Previously overlooked and underestimated, China has risen to become the biggest economy in the world.
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However, this hasn't happened with some mistakes on China's side and some tensions and challenges with other world powers. China's astronomical rise to the
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top of the world has raised issues for the West and specifically America who thought it was the world leader. China does many things well. Technology,
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education, making Peppa Pig a big star, selling fake designer gear that says tuna instead of Puma, Dolce and banana
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instead of Dolce and Gabbana. And the west is really worried mostly about the trade part, not as much about Peppa Pig.
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In fact, people are so worried that they would propose the idea of starting a new cold war with China, which is utterly inappropriate and dangerous. First of
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all, China is not the Soviet Union and does not pose the same or even a similar threat to the world. Second, we live in
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a globalized world where cold war policies would have deeply damaging effects on the international economy.
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Hurting China is hurting the West. And the most important point, China and the West, most of all America, can coexist
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to build a safer, brighter world. But today, unfortunately, this paranoia fueled game of brinkmanship on both
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sides is approaching a dangerous boiling point, or rather a freezing point. It's approaching a cold war. A zero- sum
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approach to China's role would elicit two responses from Beijing. To disengage from the system or to create a divided world order that would be damaging to
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Western interests. Neither of these are good options. Therefore, under no circumstance should a new cold war be pursued or even encouraged. And under no
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circumstance would a cold war benefit our world. But before I go any further, the great pleasure falls upon me to
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introduce our proposition speakers tonight. So you just heard from Mr.
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Arshon Barzani, a master's student at St. Anony's. He's also a member of the union's secretaries committee. And Arshan's actually the author of a book
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that's now on Amazon. The description for it reads, "For the first time ever, Napoleon's Chronicles of Caesar's Wars
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is available in English." Now, I hope that when Mr. Barzani gets home after this debate, he can sit down at his desk
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and also translate his own argument into a coherent one.
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Speaking second will be Miss Anastasia Lynn. Miss Lynn is a Chinese actress, beauty queen, and humans advocate. She does it all. She was ruled a persona
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nonrada by China in 2015 for her advocacy. Now, this happened when Chinese officials banned Miss Lynn from entering the MissWorld pageant, which
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was being held in China that year. But Miss Lynn didn't just give up. She planned to enter the country by requesting a visa when her flight landed
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in China. Basically, the strategy was to show up anyways and hope the government wouldn't want to look bad or cause a scene because she already came all that
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way. Now, I've used this same technique to try to get into parties I wasn't invited to. But it turns out the Chinese government is a little bit more strict than a fraternity brother.
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And closing for the proposition tonight will be Mr. Michael Pillsbury. Mr. Dr.
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Pillsbury is the American director of the Center of Chinese Strategy. He's the author of multiple books about China and one of President Trump's top adviserss
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on China. Now, an article says that a persistent misconception is about his wealth. It's reflected in his posh
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Georgetown home. People think that his wealth comes from the Pillsbury flower fortune of Doughboy fame. Mr. Pillsbury
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said that he hails from a different branch of the family, but he refuses to discuss his money in detail. Can't talk about it, he said. It's a mystery.
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Maybe tonight.
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[laughter]
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To which I say, watch out, James Bond.
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There is a new international man of mystery in the house, and his name is Pillsbury, Michael Pillsbury. [laughter]
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All jokes aside, it's truly my honor to speak alongside such esteemed guests tonight. Madame President, these are your speakers, and they are most welcome. [applause]
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So, I'll begin with my first point tonight. China is not the Soviet Union.
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China has a drastically different background and philosophy that motivates its unique aims and goals. The West has seen China as a monolith time and time
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again. The West has neglected to understand the history that propels living breathing policies that the government makes. Therefore, running the risks of making the same mistakes again.
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China carries a painful lingering memory of its century of humiliation. A 109-year period where it was forced to give up territory and sign unequal
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treaties. This collective memory makes it difficult to work on trade issues where China feels like it is again being threatened by western demands. The
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Chinese Communist Party was founded nearly a century ago on a promise of putting a stop to this humiliation at the hands of the West. Today, the
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government uses this concept of national rejuvenation to transcend a memory of national humiliation. China now has an
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official policy of peaceful development where it understands that without peace there is no chance to grow economically and without economic power China cannot
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have peace because it fears being victimized by foreign aggressors. This concept of peaceful development contrasts a lot to Soviet doctrines of
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expansion and occupation. Further, China is now richer and more stable than the Soviet Union ever was. The Soviet Union
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was a declining power with a failing economic model. But within the next decade, China's economy is set to overtake America's by all economic
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measures. China is a different kind of superpower than the Soviet Union was and therefore must be handled differently.
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The Cold War was concerned with military spending, which is no longer relevant.
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America already spends more than twice what China does on military. But by focusing on this military perspective, Washington risks misusing strategic
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resources that could be devoted to new economic initiatives.
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Denied. Further, China is not a monolith. Its rapid rise has been because of its willingness to
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adapt and attempt new approaches in every sphere of life. Although its growth has pushed it into a more competitive international role, many
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Chinese leaders know that a more moderate collaborative approach with the West is the wisest one. However, this framing of China as the enemy by the
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West has created an adversarial narrative that makes it difficult for these moderate views to rise to the top.
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A better balance of competition and cooperation and American actions can support these leaders who have reason.
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Besides the fact that China is not the Soviet Union, we don't even live in that same world anymore. It's clearly not the 1960s anymore. People don't smoke on
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planes. They don't make that jello salad thing anymore. There isn't lead in every toy. We don't live in fear of asbestous.
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It's not even the 1970s. People don't purchase water beds. People don't wear bell-bottom jeans. Thank God people don't trust mood rings. They don't own
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pet rocks. It's incredible. Personally, the only relic of the 70s that I want to bring with me is the dynamic Swedish superg groupoup ABA.
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Other than ABBA, all of the things seem like good things to leave in the past.
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So, if we're bringing ABBA and leaving the rest of it, then why would we bring this antiquated, anacronistic, and harmful idea of a cold war with us? In
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the world we live in today in 2020, a cold war with China would be suicide.
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America's efforts to treat China like an enemy and exclude it from the world economy may serve to damage America itself and compromise the economy of all the other countries it's involved with.
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China's foreign policy and its attitudes towards the West are largely determined by how the West itself perceives China.
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So when the West perceives China with xenophobic sentiment, it hurts this relationship further. The recent Corona virus has been a devastating and timely
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reminder of how the pain of one nation, especially China, can be felt by the rest of the world. And it's also a lesson in the importance of supporting
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each other at such a hard time. At a time when China's rise as a global and economic power has unsettled its neighbors in China and Asia as well as
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its rivals in the west, the Corona virus is feeding into prejudice against Chinese people all around the world. In a globalized 2020, our world is
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hopelessly intertwined and there are no clear blocks anymore. During the Cold War, Moscow and Washington operated in completely separate trading spheres and
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competed with each other for trade from third parties. That's not the case today. There is no simple win or lose
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situation that existed before. A cold war is a zero- sum game for both the US and China, which will drag down both
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countries and with them the rest of the world.
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Denied. And even if a cold war was feasible, the West should not start one because maybe it wouldn't win. Even if the West could win a cold war, the idea
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shouldn't even be considered because China and the West can peacefully coexist. By reaching agreements on contentious issues, America and China
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can create space to cooperate on challenges like global terrorism and climate change, where the national interests the two powers share are much
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greater than what divides them. The West needs to question the whole reason it considers a cold war with China.
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Basically, its fear that China will overthrow it and unseat the modern world order. Even though China has built itself up at an incredible speed, does
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it have the ability or the will to be the leader of the free world, to be a world policeman? The answer is no. A constructive response from America is to
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work with allies to continue creating a more open and prosperous world and invite China to participate. The threat that China poses to the West is smaller
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than many may believe. China has even less interest in going to war with America than America does going to war with China. It's true that China's
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behavior has been alarming to the world and in some cases rightfully so. Its domestic conflicts with the weager minority, its reneging on trade talks,
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its increased state control over private firms. These do raise issues for the rest of the world and they do require a firm response. But cold war is not that
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response. Now, the West from the age of the Opium Wars and before has consistently known what it has wanted from China, goods, trade, technology.
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But it needs to ask itself what it wants for China. We should want to see China succeed. The world needs China to remain
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stable, productive, and wealthy to propel international growth. The world needs China to play a constructive international role and collaborate with
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other governments to make global changes. And China needs the same from the West. So tonight, ladies and gentlemen, I'm asking you to vote nay to
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starting a cold war with China. In our world, the Chinese government is not seeking to destroy the Western way of life as the Soviet Union was seen to be
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doing. China and the West have similar goals and should be seen as formidable rivals and critical partners. For better or for worse, the Sino-American relationship will define the century.
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Competition is inevitable, but both sides must manage it constructively. If the relationship is not properly handled with the US trying to derail China's
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development and contain its rise and China continuing to assert its power and world dominance, a cold war could ensue and swallow the world whole. At the end
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of the day, these larger than life stories of war and peace forget the most basic units of action, human beings.
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Humans are the ones making these decisions. Humans are the ones who will be hurt by these decisions. My parents are immigrants who grew up during the cultural revolution in China. They
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worked hard and they were fortunate enough to immigrate to America to pursue graduate school. Now, when they got to this unfamiliar land without family or
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friends, they had one suitcase and a few hundred dollars. They were able to build a life, a family, a work, home, education, and contribute to their new
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country. While they are proud to be American citizens, China does have a special place in their heart. But this conflict, a cold war between the West
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and China, puts 50 million people like them in an impossible situation, forcing them to choose where their loyalties lie. If a cold war takes place, what
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happens to them? Will we be interned like the Japanese during World War II?
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Will we be banned from one-third of America like the Russians during the Cold War? Will we be suspected of betrayal and used as pawns? If a cold
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war is waged, it takes away the ability to hope, to dream of a better future.
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Because the only future that lies ahead will be in fear and doubt. The aspirations of generations to come will be put on hold. A cold war makes this world a place that belongs to nobody.
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When really, it belongs to everybody. My family's story is not just the American dream. It's the world's dream. And it's not just about Chinese immigrants. It's
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about every immigrant. If this relationship between the West and China will define the world, it will define you. Thank you.
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Great. Well, thank you very much, uh, Madam President. Uh, in fact, I spoke here 10 years ago and nothing's changed.
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Um, uh, [laughter] so, you know, even Mike, no, I don't think you were there then. Um, so, uh, I and first I mean, so, firstly, I just want to thank, uh,
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the excellent opposition. Um, I have not heard a fairy tale for a long time, right? And, uh, it's just been so reassuring. This is a lovely neat world.
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Everything is good, bad. Um, it's, you know, sort of evil and and, you know, I mean, I was going to say that the, you know, reason why Mike isn't going to be at the Communist Party's 100th
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anniversary cuz he's going to be at his own, but that would be me now.
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[laughter] Um, so you just lost four votes.
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So, I guess, uh, there's going to be four things I'll say. Um, the proposition about the Cold War, that's the proposition. Uh, but the Cold War is over, right? I mean, we didn't we win
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that. Didn't the West win that? So, how can you, you know, refight a war that you won? I mean presumably we're moving into a different kind of era, more complex one. Uh but I don't think it'll
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be cold and not with climate warming anyway and it won't be a war. So I mean you know apart from that sure the proposition is right. Um the second is
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uh so the the second thing is well what kind of issue are we dealing with? Um I don't agree that it is because we are
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facing um a power that has a set of values that wants us to accept those. I think China knows that the market for
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cynified Marxism lendism and Xi Jinping for the new era is limited in the west apart from the former well the current
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leader of the Labour party maybe that's you know the only person who probably would hang up to that um or Bernie Sanders um so I think it knows that
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we're not going to adopt those values um we are therefore facing a partner that or a party that is not in the business
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of proitizing so it's not like the USSR um it is in the business of saying to others. It's fine you have your universist values but we don't subscribe
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to them. So that's a different kind of dissidence but it's not proitizing. Um the second thing I suppose is the
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proposition that China um needs to change. Uh and I guess as an ex diplomat you know I um know that kind of morally
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quite satisfying. The problem is we always get tripped up by our sort of moral desires to see people like us. Um but I think there's two things we should
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think about there. The first is in the 1980s during the era of engagement from Europe and America towards China uh with our attractive values uh our
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enlightenment values with our excellent economies with all our geopolitical strengths um it didn't work we in all of the kind of efforts to change China
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through economic means and engagement we've ended up with Xi Jinping so I don't know why we are so unsettled by a
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few confucious institutes um and China with its you know particularly clunk monkey kind of PR coming and doing the
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things it does. I mean sure interference is something we should be aware of but it's done badly, right? So I mean I
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don't know why we're so rattled. Um I mean and I've asked my colleagues at my own institute King's College and they are blissfully unaware of this influence
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going on. Uh so I mean obviously uh it's seems not to be really working. Um and I guess the second thing is uh that we are
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um you know we we are kind of dealing I think with a sense of disappointment. We are hypocrites. We are real hypocrites.
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We kind of are disappointed and in the game of punishment because China didn't end up the way we wanted. But there were many many complicated variables in that
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whole story. And I don't think it's particularly right to rob many many people in China of their agency. I mean
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um there are people who are suffering very badly. I know that. But there are also many many people who aren't. There are many many people who are in between.
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It's complicated. And these moral narratives of us wanting China to be like us, you know, to have our values.
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When you think of the mess we're in at the moment, I don't know. I think that that is brave. It's not surprising we've ended up with this more complicated world.
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The sort of third thing I suppose is well you know kind of what kind of world
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are we moving into? Um we are probably moving for the first time in history
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from a sort of world in which you know there was a fairly uniform value system to one in which there are separate value
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systems. Now uh Chinese value systems broadly is more hybrid. I guess it's not so uniform. It's more hybrid. It's very paradoxical in a way. there is this
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communist system but actually underneath it there is this think as other speakers spoke about this complex root of values from dowoism confusionism Buddhism and
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now Xi Jinping thought so this is a complicated situation in a weird way isn't that kind of the world we want a pluralistic world aren't we into
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diversity aren't we into kind of wanting a world with more kind of variety we're the ones that are always trying to embrace the other and embrace the new
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our enlightenment value should mean that this is a great opportunity it should be very liberating there is a power that's coming along with a radically different
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view of the world. It doesn't want our space. I think some people have said that it wants a different kind of space.
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It is not um someone that wants to change others. It wants its exclusive values and it's excluding. I mean that is a different issue to someone coming
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along and saying they want to what does not want to change the we do I have to answer that? No. No. I mean
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I don't no I mean um sorry I I I mean that's a different issue. Um, so because that's domestic, right? I'm talking
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about abroad. I mean, you know, the issue in China, of course, is that it does use violence in China, paradoxically, but it doesn't I mean, it
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hasn't fired a shot beyond its shore since 1986. That's a really weird thing.
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It's a passive power. The problem is it's a passive power. It's not what it does, it's what it doesn't do. So, very very finely, you know, the kind of world we're moving into. So, we are now, you
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know, kind of living in a bungalow and we're moving into a two-story house and most accidents happen on the stairs. We do have a choice. uh we can move into a
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ruin. Okay. Um but I don't think that that's obviously very sensible. So this two-story world that we're moving into
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is going to be very very difficult and tough. And having these very clear binary sort of moral narratives is not going to be very useful. We it is
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impractical as Richard Nixon said in 1968 to say to a fifth of humanity, you must go away. It's not going to happen.
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It is a fantasy. We have to be realistic. Very finally, over the last uh 20 years, my job has partly been
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obviously talking about China, but it's partly I realized recently been going around comforting Americans. And as you kind of see, I'm alone here. I'm the
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only person with a British accent speaking. Um, so I suppose what I want to say is, um, we love America, right?
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We think America is great. There's always that a moment when we talk to Americans though when they kind of sigh a bit and they realize we're not
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American. And I suppose we have to live with that, right? We're never going to, you know, we we just have to what is the famous Spongebob, you know, kind stop
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being adorable, right? I mean, you know, we we have to say that to America all the time. Don't stop being adorable. But um we we have to also say please would
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you leave us alone, right? Um Hanf the great waring states philosopher said uh you should all 2,400 years ago you
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should always guard against your enemies. That's true. But know that calamity comes from those you love.
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Thank you very much.
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That's
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forchech.
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Fore
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speech.
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Fore
 
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