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Vince Cable 自由基 回忆录

(2026-02-25 16:07:12) 下一个

Vince Cable  自由基 回忆录

Free Radical: A Memoir 

by Vince Cable (Author)  July 1 2010
https://www.amazon.ca/Free-Radical-Memoir-Vince-Cable/dp/1848870477

作者:文斯·凯布尔 (Vince Cable) 2010年7月1日

如今,文斯·凯布尔最为人熟知的身份是“议会中无可争议的信贷危机重量级冠军”,他因其对世界经济危机的先见之明和权威性而备受推崇。然而,他成为英国最受尊敬的政治家的道路漫长而曲折,有时甚至充满痛苦。在这部回忆录中,他首次讲述了这段故事。这是一本坦诚之作,文笔诙谐,见解深刻。文斯·凯布尔的人生经历与传统职业政治家截然不同。他的这本书既引人入胜,又切合时宜。

《自由基》(Free Radical),作者:文斯·凯布尔(Vince Cable)

https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/free-radical-by-vince-cable-1823822.html

一位从未掌控风暴的英雄

史蒂夫·理查兹 2009年11月20日

您的支持帮助我们讲述故事

从生殖权利到气候变化,再到大型科技公司,《独立报》始终在事件发生的第一时间进行报道。无论是调查埃隆·马斯克支持特朗普的政治行动委员会的财务状况,还是制作我们最新的纪录片《A字头》(The A Word),该片聚焦于为争取生殖权利而奋斗的美国女性,我们都深知从纷繁的信息中厘清事实的重要性。

在美国历史的这个关键时刻,我们需要记者深入一线。您的捐款使我们能够继续派遣记者,与事件的双方进行对话。

《独立报》深受美国各政治派别人士的信赖。与其他许多优质新闻媒体不同,我们选择不通过付费墙将美国民众拒之门外,让他们无法获取我们的报道和分析。我们相信,优质的新闻报道应该人人可及,由有能力的人付费阅读。

在危机时刻,英国需要政治英雄,需要史诗般的人物来引领国家走出困境,走向更加充满希望的未来。20世纪40年代,丘吉尔扮演了伟大巨人的角色。战后,艾德礼和贝文成为了英雄人物。20世纪70年代末,英国民众纷纷支持玛格丽特·撒切尔,确保她赢得了一系列压倒性的大选。

在自20世纪30年代大萧条以来最严重的经济危机中,文斯·凯布尔成为了英国的“神明”。民调显示,在经济问题上,凯布尔比任何其他政治家都更受信任和尊重。凯布尔一言,举国上下都为之侧目。

或许,他新晋明星地位最引人注目的体现,就是他关于经济危机的著作《风暴》的畅销。自由民主党财政发言人撰写的一本关于多层次复杂危机的书籍竟然登上畅销书榜,这对于这位此前默默无闻、低调谦逊的政治家来说,无疑是其大器晚成的职业生涯中又一个非凡的转折。

凯布尔是一位优秀的记者,文笔流畅易懂。正如他在自传中所述,他已经掌握了快速写作和按时完成任务的技巧。他每周撰写专栏文章,发表演讲,接受采访,而且想必也在为即将到来的竞选活动做准备,届时他将与他的党魁尼克·克莱格一样引人注目。

不出所料,凯布尔的出版商希望他尽快推出续作。鉴于他如今的声望,撰写回忆录似乎是顺理成章的选择。为什么不写一本关于凯布尔的书呢?

答案并非表面看起来那么简单。尽管凯布尔在过去两年里发表了许多引人注目的言论,但他并非一位特别有趣的政治家。这并非他的错——或者至少,他唯一的过错在于他选择加入一个注定永远在野的政党。以往的政治英雄在政府中扮演着举足轻重的角色。而凯布尔的政治生涯则相对平静。

事实上,他能从安全的反对党席位上成为英雄,正是我们这个反政治时代的缩影。总体而言,决策者们备受鄙视:那些夜以继日地制定银行救助方案和经济刺激计划的人。而凯布尔,这位在安全距离之外阐述自己观点的人,反而成了英雄。

他的许多观点都大胆而合理,但当这些品质无需经受昼夜的考验时,展现起来要容易得多。最终,布朗、达林、曼德尔森和鲍尔斯的回忆录无疑会更加引人入胜。

凯布尔坦言,他写这本书只是希望家人能从中找到一些乐趣,这实际上也承认了他政治生涯的局限性。他也选择更加克制,略过自己曾卷入的寥寥几场政治风波。自从2007年秋天在BBC广播四台的《世界聚焦》节目中听到他接受Cable的采访后,我就一直对他在导致前任领导人明·坎贝尔下台一事中的角色感到好奇。短短几分钟内,他就巧妙地在领导人背后捅了一刀。几个小时后,坎贝尔便辞职了。或许这两件事并无关联。

令人失望的是,没有

这里没有确切的答案。凯布尔对坎贝尔的辞职着墨不多,仿佛他只是个局外人,而非举足轻重的人物。

书中也只是略微提及了他的领导野心。这或许是事实。凯布尔的政治生涯最终走向成功,但为时已晚。他作为代理党魁崭露头角,当时还有其他候选人参与党魁竞选。或许,如果竞选紧随凯布尔担任党魁之后,他或许会参选并最终获胜。但凯布尔的语气中并没有丝毫遗憾。他现在比如果成为党魁时更受欢迎、更有权威,我怀疑,如果他成为党魁,反政治的犬儒主义就会对他不利。

凯布尔或许是反政治文化的受益者,但他本人却极具政治头脑。书中最为生动的篇章讲述了他曲折的议员之路,这条路凸显了20世纪80年代中左翼内部的紧张局势,以及赢得一个席位有多么艰难。凯布尔曾是工党的支持者,与约翰·史密斯关系密切,至今仍视史密斯为自己的政治英雄。

但在20世纪80年代初,他放弃了工党,加入了社会民主党,并在1983年的选举中竞选约克郡议员。尽管社会民主党的明星人物前来为他助选,他最终还是落败了。又过了14年,他才最终以自由民主党议员的身份进入下议院。

凯布尔的一生丰富多彩,令人惊叹。唯一缺少的,或许就是一段执政经历。对于一部政治回忆录来说,这的确是一个不小的空白。

Free Radical: A Memoir 

by Vince Cable (Author)  July 1 2010
https://www.amazon.ca/Free-Radical-Memoir-Vince-Cable/dp/1848870477

Today Vince Cable is best known as "the undisputed heavyweight champion of the credit crunch in Parliament," revered for his prescience and authority on the world economic crisis. But his journey to become Britain's most respected politician has been long, circuitous, and sometimes very painful. In this memoir he tells that story for the first time. This is a candid book, written with wit and great insight. Vince Cable's life story is a long way from that of a conventional career politician. His book is as compelling as it is timely.

Free Radical, By Vince Cable

https://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/books/reviews/free-radical-by-vince-cable-1823822.html

A hero of the storm who never took command

At times of crisis, Britain needs political heroes, epic figures to guide it through the wreckage and towards a more hopeful future. In the 1940s Churchill played the role of the great titan. After the war Attlee and Bevan became heroic figures. In the late 1970s enough of the country turned to Margaret Thatcher to ensure she won a series of landslide general elections.

And in the midst of the most serious economic crisis since the great depression of the 1930s, Vince Cable is the country's god-like guide. Polls suggest Cable is more trusted and respected on the economy than any other politician. Cable speaks and a nation listens.

Perhaps the most spectacular manifestation of his new stardom was the bestselling success of his book on the economic crisis, The Storm. For a book by the Liberal Democrats' Treasury Spokesman on a crisis of multi -layered complexity to make it into the charts was another extraordinary twist in the late-blooming career of a previously obscure, self-effacing politician.

Cable is a good journalist and writes accessibly. As he notes in this autobiophy, he has learnt the art of writing quickly and to tight deadlines. He writes weekly columns, delivers speeches, gives interviews, and presumably prepares for an election campaign in which he will feature almost as prominently as his leader, Nick Clegg.

Not surprisingly, Cable's publishers wanted a follow-up book as quickly as possible. In the light of his deification a memoir must have seemed the obvious course. Why not write a book about Cable?

The answer is not as straightforward as it seems. While Cable has said much of interest over the last two years, he is not an especially interesting politician. This is not his fault – or at least he is culpable only in the sense that he chose to join a party doomed to eternal opposition. Previous political heroes played a defining role in government. Cable has led a more tranquil political life.

Indeed, that he has become a hero from the safety of the opposition benches is a reflection of our anti-politics age. On the whole the decision-makers are despised: those who worked through the night to devise rescue packages for banks and a fiscal stimulus for the economy. Cable, who put his case from a safe distance, is the hero.

Much of his case was audacious and sound, but it is much easier to display such qualities when they are not being put to the test around the clock. Ultimately the memoirs of Brown, Darling, Mandelson and Balls will be incomparably more interesting.

Cable implicitly acknowledges the limits of his political journey by admitting that he wrote this book in the hope that it might be of some interest to his family. He also chooses to be more constrained by skipping over the few moments of political drama in which he has been involved. I have been intrigued by his involvement in the fall of his previous leader, Ming Campbell, since listening in disbelief to an interview with Cable on Radio 4's The World at One during autumn 2007. In the space of a few minutes he had subtly placed a knife into the back of his leader. Within hours, Campbell had resigned. Perhaps the two events were not connected.

Disappointingly, there are no definitive answers here. Cable writes about the resignation of Campbell briefly and as if he was an outsider rather than a player of some significance.

There is also only a fleeting reference to his leadership ambitions. Probably this is a truthful account. Cable triumphed as a politician when it was too late. His star rose as acting leader, with other candidates in a leadership contest. Perhaps if the contest had followed Cable's moment in the leader's spotlight, he might have stood and won. But the tone is not regretful. He is much more popular and authoritative than he would have been had he become a party leader, where I suspect anti-politics cynicism would have started to count against him.

Cable might be a beneficiary of the anti-politics culture but he is highly political. The most vivid sequence in the book follows his tortuous path to becoming an MP, a route that highlighted the tensions on the centre left in the 1980s and the degree to which it can be wretchedly difficult to win a seat. Cable was a Labour supporter and close to John Smith, whom he still describes as his political hero.

But he gave up with Labour in the early 1980s and joined the SDP, contesting York in the 1983 election. He lost in spite of the energetic support of the SDP's stars who came to campaign for him. It took another 14 years before he finally entered the Commons as a Liberal Democrat.

Cable has led a full and surprisingly eventful life. All that is lacking is a phase in power. For a political memoir, it is quite a gap.

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