白马非马
属羊，但非羊。白马非马，个别非一般。似是而非，道在屎溺。
我和傅高义的一次邮件交流
李进进
傅高义(Ezra Vogel)教授去世的消息传来，使我想起和他的一次Email交流。虽然是一次对抗性的交流，还是介绍给大家，也是对这位中国学顶级专家的一种纪念。
这次Email交流涉及到包括他在内的100名美国中国问题专家写给特朗普总统和国会议员的一封公开信。这封公开信由傅泰林(M. Taylor Fravel)、芮效俭(J. Stapleton Roy)、史文(Michael D. Swaine)、董云裳(Susan A. Thornton)，和傅高义(Ezra Vogel)牵头，其他95为中国问题专家签名，於2019年7月3日发表在《华盛顿邮报》， 标题是“中国不是敌人”。
该公开信谈了七个要点。请看文后的附件。那些中国学者判定在经济上中国不是美国的敌人，无论从那点来看中国都没有构成对美国国家安全的威胁。他们认为尽管中国在军事和外交上不断扩展空间，但是中国官员和精英们都认为和西方合作符合他们的最佳利益。华盛顿的激进政策会导致中国的民族主义情绪高涨和反弹。所以美国要和其同盟者一起来创造一个良好的世界环境，让中国参与其中，限制其恶，使其行善。他们希望中国的改革派和自由派有一定的空间，并把中国共产党当作一只可驯服的羊。
我读了这封信内心后，觉得这些学者怎么那么幼稚。共产党的使命就是要消灭资本主义，实行无产阶级专政，当变得强大的时候，它如何和西方世界和平相处。我认为他们是一帮“东郭先生”，于是当天就给那五个带头的“东郭先生”写了一封信。 这封信的中文翻译如下：
给：傅泰林(M. Taylor Fravel)、芮效俭(J. Stapleton Roy)、史文(Michael D. Swaine)、董云裳(Susan A. Thornton)傅高义(Ezra Vogel)的公开信：
我们不能同意各位作者7月3日在《华盛顿邮报》发表的写给川普总统和美国国会议员、标题为“中国不是敌人”的公开信中之观点。
尽管公开信提到了中国违反人权、违反国际法并且想成为军事强国来主导世界，但是作者们的结论却是中国并非美国的敌人，这太荒谬了。
从字面上来看，中国不是敌人，这是对的。 但是，作者们提到的中国不是一个地理上的中国，不是一个具有伟大民族的中国，也不是一个尊重国际规范的国家。从文字内容可以看出，作者所指的中国是一个被中国共产党强硬核心所控制的一个实体：在那里， 人民不被允许发表他们的不同观点和意见， 成千上万的监控设备被安装到公共场所的每一个角落， 人民以“不忘（共产）初心”的理念被洗脑。 在这样一个环境下， 我们怎能依靠如各位作者所说的—-一些思想开放的“中国官员和精英”们“温和、务实地与西方世界真诚合作？”
另外， 各位作者仍天真地认为， 在这片自由国土上的美国人民和政府， 可以与美国的盟友和合作伙伴“创造一个包括中国参与的更加开放和繁荣的世界。”残酷事实是我们的盟友们正在为了他们的经济利益交换基本人权和原则，而中国正在用腐败的权力来腐蚀着二战之后被各国共同建立起来的国际秩序。 请记住一个人：Arthur Neville Chamberlian（亚瑟.内维尔.张伯伦），这是作者们都很熟悉的一个名字。
李进进
律师，胡耀邦、赵紫阳纪念基金会董事长， 中国人权理事
我在网上找到他们五个“东郭先生”的Email地址，并电邮给他们。我也并没有期待有人会回我的信。我写信的当天是2019年7月4日上午，美国独立节那天。没想到，傅高义先生立刻给我回了一个以Email短信，内容如下：
“想想胡耀邦在中国的深渊影响，你真的认为中国人都被洗脑并且没有政府官员尊重胡耀邦？”
他提到胡耀邦大概是因为我留下了“胡耀邦、赵紫阳纪念基金会董事长”这个头衔。
7月9日，我也恢复了一封电邮，大意如下：
谢谢你回复我给你的信。 你的问题我不能准确回答，因为问题不在于是否有胡耀邦的追随者。 问题是有多少追随者；如果有几个， 他们的影响是什么。 在中国肯定有一些胡耀邦的追随者， 但他们中的大多数都老了。 很多年轻人不知道赵紫阳和胡耀邦。 胡的追随者在中国的政策制定上没有任何影响力。我和他们有些接触。 他们希望美国，这个人类尊严和自由的最后希望的【灯塔国】，能够采取更有力的政策，反对习近平的中国政府。
我们的Email交流到此为止。这封公开信的事我也差不多忘了。傅高义先生的去世，让我重新想起这件事，并再去看看他参与起头的公开信和他回我的Email。我是在工作之余激愤下写的Email，现在看来对他们是“大不敬”，但是我的观点还是正确的。傅高义先生的回复，虽然我觉得远离了中国实际，但是他也许是真实的希望中国能够继续在江和胡温政策下继续走下去。但是有点他没有想到的是，邓小平的改革开放并不允许中国走向“自由化”。中共强大了，是会把它的坦克开到别的国家广场的。不管怎么说，他是个大学者，看到了中国六、七十年代的饥饿和贫穷，他希望中国变富强。这是值得纪念的。
【附件1，美国百名中国问题专家的公开信原文】
Washington Post
Opinion by M. Taylor Fravel, J. Stapleton Roy, Michael D. Swaine, Susan A. Thornton and Ezra Vogel
July 3, 2019 at 9:00 a.m. EDT
Dear President Trump and members of Congress:
We are members of the scholarly, foreign policy, military and business communities, overwhelmingly from the United States, including many who have focused on Asia throughout our professional careers. We are deeply concerned about the growing deterioration in U.S. relations with China, which we believe does not serve American or global interests. Although we are very troubled by Beijing’s recent behavior, which requires a strong response, we also believe that many U.S. actions are contributing directly to the downward spiral in relations.
The following seven propositions represent our collective views on China, the problems in the U.S. approach to China and the basic elements of a more effective U.S. policy. Our institutional affiliations are provided for identification purposes only.
- China’s troubling behavior in recent years — including its turn toward greater domestic repression, increased state control over private firms, failure to live up to several of its trade commitments, greater efforts to control foreign opinion and more aggressive foreign policy — raises serious challenges for the rest of the world. These challenges require a firm and effective U.S. response, but the current approach to China is fundamentally counterproductive.
- We do not believe Beijing is an economic enemy or an existential national security threat that must be confronted in every sphere; nor is China a monolith, or the views of its leaders set in stone. Although its rapid economic and military growth has led Beijing toward a more assertive international role, many Chinese officials and other elites know that a moderate, pragmatic and genuinely cooperative approach with the West serves China’s interests. Washington’s adversarial stance toward Beijing weakens the influence of those voices in favor of assertive nationalists. With the right balance of competition and cooperation, U.S. actions can strengthen those Chinese leaders who want China to play a constructive role in world affairs.
- U.S. efforts to treat China as an enemy and decouple it from the global economy will damage the United States’ international role and reputation and undermine the economic interests of all nations. U.S. opposition will not prevent the continued expansion of the Chinese economy, a greater global market share for Chinese companies and an increase in China’s role in world affairs. Moreover, the United States cannot significantly slow China’s rise without damaging itself. If the United States presses its allies to treat China as an economic and political enemy, it will weaken its relations with those allies and could end up isolating itself rather than Beijing.
- The fear that Beijing will replace the United States as the global leader is exaggerated. Most other countries have no interest in such an outcome, and it is not clear that Beijing itself sees this goal as necessary or feasible. Moreover, a government intent on limiting the information and opportunities available to its own citizens and harshly repressing its ethnic minorities will not garner meaningful international support nor succeed in attracting global talent. The best American response to these practices is to work with our allies and partners to create a more open and prosperous world in which China is offered the opportunity to participate. Efforts to isolate China will simply weaken those Chinese intent on developing a more humane and tolerant society.
- Although China has set a goal of becoming a world-class military by midcentury, it faces immense hurdles to operating as a globally dominant military power. However, Beijing’s growing military capabilities have already eroded the United States’ long-standing military preeminence in the Western Pacific. The best way to respond to this is not to engage in an open-ended arms race centered on offensive, deep-strike weapons and the virtually impossible goal of reasserting full-spectrum U.S. dominance up to China’s borders. A wiser policy is to work with allies to maintain deterrence, emphasizing defensive-oriented, area denial capabilities, resiliency and the ability to frustrate attacks on U.S. or allied territory, while strengthening crisis-management efforts with Beijing.
- Beijing is seeking to weaken the role of Western democratic norms within the global order. But it is not seeking to overturn vital economic and other components of that order from which China itself has benefited for decades. Indeed, China’s engagement in the international system is essential to the system’s survival and to effective action on common problems such as climate change. The United States should encourage Chinese participation in new or modified global regimes in which rising powers have a greater voice. A zero-sum approach to China’s role would only encourage Beijing to either disengage from the system or sponsor a divided global order that would be damaging to Western interests.
- In conclusion, a successful U.S. approach to China must focus on creating enduring coalitions with other countries in support of economic and security objectives. It must be based on a realistic appraisal of Chinese perceptions, interests, goals and behavior; an accurate match of U.S. and allied resources with policy goals and interests; and a rededication of U.S. efforts to strengthen its own capacity to serve as a model for others. Ultimately, the United States’ interests are best served by restoring its ability to compete effectively in a changing world and by working alongside other nations and international organizations rather than by promoting a counterproductive effort to undermine and contain China’s engagement with the world.
We believe that the large number of signers of this open letter clearly indicates that there is no single Washington consensus endorsing an overall adversarial stance toward China, as some believe exists.
- M. Taylor Fravel is a professor of political science at MIT.
- J. Stapleton Roy is a distinguished scholar at the Wilson Center and a former U.S. ambassador to China.
- Michael D. Swaine is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
- Susan A. Thornton is a senior fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center and a former acting assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs.
- Ezra Vogel is a professor emeritus at Harvard University.
The above individuals circulated the letter, which was signed by the following:
●James Acton, co-director, Nuclear Policy Program and Jessica T. Mathews Chair, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Craig Allen, former U.S. ambassador to Brunei from 2014–2018
●Andrew Bacevich, co-founder, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft
●Jeffrey A. Bader, former senior director for East Asia on National Security Council 2009-2011 and fellow, Brookings Institution
●C. Fred Bergsten, senior fellow and director emeritus, Peterson Institute for International Economics
●Jan Berris, vice president, National Committee on United States-China Relations
●Dennis J. Blasko, former U.S. Army Attaché to China, 1992-1996
●Pieter Bottelier, visiting scholar, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University
●Ian Bremmer, president, Eurasia Group
●Richard Bush, Chen-Fu and Cecilia Yen Koo Chair in Taiwan Studies, Brookings Institution
●Jerome A. Cohen, faculty director, US-Asia Law Institute, New York University
●Warren I. Cohen, distinguished university professor emeritus, University of Maryland
●Bernard Cole, former U.S. Navy captain
●James F. Collins, U.S. ambassador to the Russian Federation 1997-2001
●Gerald L Curtis, Burgess Professor Emeritus, Columbia University
●Toby Dalton, co-director, Nuclear Policy Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Robert Daly, director, Kissinger Institute on China and the U.S., Wilson Center
●Michael C. Desch, Packey J. Dee Professor of International Affairs and director of the Notre Dame International Security Center
●Mac Destler, professor emeritus, University of Maryland School of Public Policy
●Bruce Dickson, professor of political science and international affairs, George Washington University
●David Dollar, senior fellow, Brookings Institution
●Peter Dutton, senior fellow, U.S.-Asia Law Institute; adjunct professor, New York University School of Law
●Robert Einhorn, senior fellow, Brookings Institution; former assistant secretary of state for nonproliferation, 1999-2001
●Amitai Etzioni, University Professor and Professor of International Affairs, George Washington University
●Thomas Fingar, Asia Pacific Research Center, Stanford University; former deputy director of national intelligence for analysis, 2005-2008
●Mary Gallagher, political science professor and director of the Lieberthal-Rogel Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan
●John Gannon, adjunct professor, Georgetown University; former chairman of the National Intelligence Council, 1997-2001
●Avery Goldstein, David M. Knott Professor of Global Politics and International Relations, University of Pennsylvania
●Steven M. Goldstein, associate of the Fairbank Center; director of the Taiwan Studies Workshop at Harvard University
●David F. Gordon, senior advisor, International Institute of Strategic Studies; former director of Policy Planning at the U.S. State Department, 2007-2009
●Philip H. Gordon, Mary and David Boies Senior Fellow in U.S. Foreign Policy at the Council on Foreign Relations; former special assistant to the president and Coordinator for the Middle East and assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian Affairs
●Morton H. Halperin, former director of Policy Planning Staff at State Department, 1998-2001
●Lee Hamilton, former congressman; former president and director of the Wilson Center
●Clifford A. Hart Jr., former U.S. consul general to Hong Kong and Macau, 2013-2016
●Paul Heer, adjunct professor, George Washington University; former National Intelligence Officer for East Asia, 2007-2015
●Eric Heginbotham, principal research scientist, Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Center for International Studies
●Ambassador Carla A. Hills, former United States Trade Representative, 1989-1993; chair & CEO Hills & Company, International Consultants
●Jamie P. Horsley, senior fellow at the Paul Tsai China Center, Yale Law School
●Yukon Huang, senior fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Frank Jannuzi, president and CEO, Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation
●Robert Jervis, Adlai E. Stevenson Professor and Professor of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University
●Marvin Kalb, nonresident senior fellow, Brookings Institution
●Mickey Kantor, former secretary of commerce,1996-1997; U.S. trade representative, 1993-1996
●Robert Kapp, president, Robert A. Kapp & Associates, Inc.; former president, U.S.-China Business Council; former president, Washington Council on International Trade
●Albert Keidel, adjunct graduate professor, George Washington University; former deputy director of the Office of East Asian Nations at the Treasury Department, 2001-2004
●Robert O. Keohane, professor of International Affairs emeritus, Princeton University
●William Kirby, Spangler Family Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business School; T. M. Chang Professor of China Studies at Harvard University
●Helena Kolenda, program director for Asia, Henry Luce Foundation
●Charles Kupchan, professor of International Affairs, Georgetown University; senior fellow, Council on Foreign Relations
●David M. Lampton, professor emeritus at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies; Oksenberg Rholen Fellow, Stanford University Asia-Pacific Research Center; former president, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations
●Nicholas Lardy, Anthony M. Solomon Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics
●Chung Min Lee, senior fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Herbert Levin, former staff member for China on National Security Council and Policy Planning Council
●Cheng Li, director and senior fellow, John L. Thornton China Center, The Brookings Institution
●Kenneth Lieberthal, professor emeritus, University of Michigan; former Asia senior director, National Security Council, 1998-2000
●Yawei Liu, director of China Program, The Carter Center
●Jessica Mathews, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●James McGregor, chairman, Greater China, APCO Worldwide
●John McLaughlin, distinguished practitioner in residence, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University; former deputy director and acting director of the CIA, 2000-2004
●Andrew Mertha, Hyman Professor and Director of the China Program, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University
●Alice Lyman Miller, research fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University
●Mike Mochizuki, Japan-U.S. Relations Chair in Memory of Gaston Sigur, George Washington University
●Michael Nacht, Thomas and Alison Schneider Professor of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley; former assistant secretary of defense for global strategic affairs, 2009-2010
●Moises Naim, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Joseph Nye, University Distinguished Service Professor emeritus and former dean, Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
●Kevin O’Brien, political science professor and director of Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley
●Jean Oi, William Haas Professor of Chinese Politics, Stanford University
●Stephen A. Orlins, president, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations
●William Overholt, senior research fellow, Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government, Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
●Douglas Paal, distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Margaret M. Pearson, Dr. Horace V. and Wilma E. Harrison Distinguished Professor, University of Maryland, College Park
●Peter C. Perdue, professor of history, Yale University
●Elizabeth J. Perry , Henry Rosovsky Professor of Government, Harvard University; director, Harvard-Yenching Institute
●Daniel W Piccuta, former deputy chief of mission and acting ambassador, Beijing
●Thomas Pickering, former under secretary of state for political affairs, 1997-2000; former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations from 1989-1992
●Paul R. Pillar , nonresident senior fellow at the Center for Security Studies, Georgetown University
●Jonathan D. Pollack, nonresident senior fellow, John L. Thornton China Center, Brookings Institution
●Barry Posen, Ford International Professor of Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; director, MIT Security Studies Program
●Shelley Rigger, Brown Professor of East Asian Politics, Davidson College
●Charles S. Robb, former U.S. senator (1989-2001) and former chairman of the East Asia subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee; governor of Virginia from 1982 to 1986
●Robert S. Ross, professor of political science, Boston College
●Scott D. Sagan, the Caroline S.G. Munro Professor of Political Science, Stanford University
●Gary Samore, senior executive director, Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University
●Richard J. Samuels, Ford International Professor of Political Science and director, Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Center for International Studies
●David Shear, former assistant secretary of defense, 2014-2016; former U.S. ambassador to Vietnam
●Anne-Marie Slaughter, former director of policy planning, State Department, 2009-2011; Bert G. Kerstetter ‘66 University Professor Emerita of Politics and International Affairs, Princeton University
●Richard Sokolsky, nonresident senior fellow, Russia and Eurasia Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●James Steinberg, former deputy secretary of state, 2009-2011
●Michael Szonyi, Frank Wen-Hsiung Wu Memorial Professor of Chinese History Director, Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies, Harvard University
●Strobe Talbott, former deputy secretary of state, 1994-2001
●Anne F. Thurston, former senior research professor, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins University
●Andrew G. Walder, Denise O’Leary and Kent Thiry Professor, School of Humanities and Sciences, Stanford University
●Graham Webster, coordinating editor, Stanford-New America DigiChina Project
●David A. Welch, University Research Chair, Balsillie School of International Affairs
●Daniel B. Wright, president and CEO, GreenPoint Group; former managing director for China and the Strategic Economic Dialogue, Treasury Department
【附件2 我写给傅高义等人的反对信】
Thu, Jul 4, 2019 at 10:35 AM to fravel@mit.edu:
To M. Taylor Fravel, J. Stapleton Roy ,Michael D. Swaine , Susan A. Thornton and Ezra Vogel, the writers of "China is not an enemy" published by the Washington Post, dated July 3, 2019
Dear Professor M. Taylor Frael, et al:
We disagree with you, the writers of the open letter to President Trump and members of Congress, which is titled "China is not an enemy" published by the Washington Post, dated July 3, 2019.
Basically, though the latter mentions that China has abused human rights, violated the international rules, and intended to be a military giant and dominate the world, the writers conclude that China is not an enemy. It is absurd.
Literally, it is right that China is not an enemy. However, China referred hereto by the writers is not a country in geography, a nation with the respectful Chinese people, or a state in terms of the international norms. China in the context of the letter is an entity with evil power manipulated by the hardcore of the Communist Party of China, where there is no space for dissents to express their opinions, tens of millions monitors have been installed in every corner of the public space, and the people have been brainwashed for the CCP’s never forgotten “original communist aspiration.” Under such a circumstance, how could we rely on, as the writers wished, open-minded “Chinese officials and other elites” to make “a moderate, pragmatic and genuinely cooperative approach with the West?”
The writers also naïvely believe that we, the American people on this free land and American government, could “work with our allies and partners to create a more open and prosperous world in which China is offered the opportunity to participate,” where those allies are exchanging the basic human rights with China for their own economic needs while China, with its corrupt power with ambition to dominate the world, is eroding the international orders established by the nations after the end of the world war II. Please remember a name: Arthur Neville Chamberlain, whom the writers are familiar with.
Li Jinjin, SJD (a/k/a/ Jim Li)
Lawyer, President of Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang Memorial Foundation, and the Board Director of Human Rights in China.
【附件3，我和傅高义先生的Email交流】
Ezra Vogel
Jul 4, 2019, 11:44 AM
to me
Considering that Hu Yaobang had such a deep following in China, do you really believe that all Chinese have been brainwashed and that there are no Chinese officials today who respect Hu Yaobang?
Ezra Vogel
Jinjin Li
Jul 9, 2019, 11:30 PM
to Ezra
Thank You for your time.
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32 万人没尊严地去了， 公知没戏了