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“不自由， 毋宁死” 是五四运动来知识份子的名言，这句话的原创来源于1775年美国开国元勋之一帕特里克.亨利的演讲，演讲的原文英文堪称经典，无论是它的语言的艺术性还是思想性，英语爱好者从中可以学习许多，甚至可以拿来背诵。
蘇格蘭裔美國人帕特里克. 亨利（Patrick Henry），他是美国律师、种植园主、政治家兼演说家，美国开国元勋之一，以1775年在第二届弗吉尼亚议会上的演讲《不自由，毋宁死！》最富盛名；“不自由，毋寧死！”（英語：Give me liberty, or give me death!），这句话英文原创于亨利在美國維吉尼亞州（也翻译为佛吉尼亚州）里士滿聖約翰教堂發表的演講，是其中的最後一句結語。
亨利在該次大會發表演講，試圖說服會議通過一項議決，支持維吉尼利亞派軍參加即將來臨的革命戰爭。參加該次大會的代表，包括開國元勳托馬斯·杰斐遜和喬治·華盛頓，以及其他政治领袖。
以下是帕特里克. 亨利（Patrick Henry）的演讲内容：在佛吉尼亚议会上的演讲
（美国）亨利1775年3月23日
议长先生：
没有谁比我更加敬佩这些在议会上发言的先生们的爱国热情和才干了。但是，对待一个问题每个人都会有不同的看法。因此，假如我持有观点与他们恰恰相反，并且无所顾忌毫不保留地表达出来，希望不会被认为对他们有何不敬之意。现在已经没有时间让我们讲客套了。议会所面临的问题是我们的国家正处于危难之际。我个人认为，最严重的一点就是关系到我们是独立自主还是被奴役的大问题。事关重大，应该准许人们畅所欲言。如此，我们才有望阐明事实，完成上帝和国家托付的重任。此时此刻，如果因为害怕冒犯他人而保持缄默，我会认为自己是在叛国，是对比世上所有君王更令人敬畏的天主的不忠。
议长先生，人类天生就容易沉迷于希望的幻想之中。痛苦的现实来临时，我们往往会紧闭双眼不敢面对；宁可倾听海妖的歌声，直到我们被变成野兽为止。这是聪明人在追求自由的艰苦卓绝的奋斗中所应该做的吗？我们难道愿意做那些对关系着能否获得拯救这样重大的事情视而不见，听而不闻的人吗？就我而言，不管这会带给我多大的精神折磨，我都愿意了解全部的事实和最糟糕的结果，并为此作好准备。
经验是指导我前进的惟一明灯；过去是判断未来的惟一依据。因此，我想知道英国政府在过去十年中有何作为，使得各位有理由信心十足，心甘情愿地来安慰自己也安慰议会？是因为他们最近接受我们的请愿时所露出的狡诈的笑容吗？先生们，别相信这些笑容，事实会证明这只是一个圈套。别被人家的一个吻给出卖了！大家想想：他们如此仁慈地接受我们的请愿，而同时又在我们的水域、我们的土地上大规模地备战，这是多么不协调呀！难道爱护与和解用得着出动他们的战舰和军队吗？难道我们的爱需要用武力才能挽回吗？先生们，别再自欺欺人了！这些只是战争和征服的手段，是国王最后的托辞。请问各位，如果这些军事装备不是用来迫使我们归顺的，那它们是用来干什么的呢？哪位先生能告诉我，这还有什么别的意图吗？难道在这个地方，大不列颠王国还有其他敌人需要用这些庞大的海陆军队来对付吗？不，先生们，没有其他敌人了！这些就是用来对付我们的！它们是英国政府早就造好，用来囚禁我们的锁链。我们能用什么来反抗呢？争辩吗？先生们，我们已经和他们争辩10年了！再还有什么话可说吗?我们所能做的都做过了，然而一切都只是徒劳；难道我们还要卑躬屈膝，摇尾乞怜吗？我们已经用尽了一切办法。所以，先生们，我恳请你们别再自欺欺人了！为了避免这一场即将来临的风暴，我们已经尽力而为了。我们请愿过，我们抗议过，我们也乞求过；我们曾跪倒在国王的御座前，哀求他制止政府和国会的专制暴行。我们的请愿遭到蔑视，我们的抗议带来的是变本加厉的暴力和侮辱，我们的乞求换来的是不屑一顾；我们在天子脚下被轻蔑地一脚踢开！事已至此，我们还能沉迷于和平友好的美好幻想之中吗？已经不再有任何希望了！假如我们渴望自由——假如我们真要维护为之奋斗已久的神圣权利不受侵犯——假如我们不至于卑鄙到想放弃我们抗争已久，发誓不达目的决不罢休的伟大角逐，那么，我们必须战斗！我再重复一遍，先生们，我们必须战斗！除了诉诸武力，求助于战神，我们别无选择！
先生们，他们说我们势单力薄，无力抵抗如此强劲的对手。但是，我们什么时候能变得更加强大呢？下周？还是明年？难道非要等到我们被彻底解除武装，家家户户都被英军占领的时候吗？难道优柔寡断，毫无作为能为我们积聚力量吗？难道我们能高枕而卧，要等到束手就擒之时，才能找到退敌的良策吗？先生们，只要我们懂得如何利用造物主赐予我们的力量，我们就绝不弱小。我们拥有三百万为神圣的自由而武装起来的人民，我们拥有这样一方国土，这就是敌人任何武力都不可战胜的力量！况且，先生们，我们并非孤军作战。公正之神与我们同在，并主宰着一切国家的命运，并会唤起朋友们为我们进行战斗。先生们，战斗需要的不只是强大的力量，还需要机警，积极和勇敢；何况我们已经别无选择了。即使我们卑怯懦弱，想抽身而出，也已经太晚了。我们无路可退，回首只是屈从和被奴役！囚禁我们的枷锁早已铸成，镣铐的叮当声回荡在波士顿平原的上空！战争已经在所难免——那就让它来吧！先生们，我再说一遍，让它来吧！
先生们，不用再徒劳地试图缓和事态。各位可以高喊和平——但和平并不存在。事实上战争已经打响！很快，从北方席卷而来的风暴就将带来隆隆的炮声！我们的弟兄们已经奔赴战场！为何我们还在此袖手旁观？各位先生究竟想要什么？又能得到什么？莫非生命如此珍贵，和平如此美好，竟值得我们以镣铐和奴役为代价来获得？全能的主啊，快阻止他们吧！我不知道别人将选择怎样的道路，但对我来说，不自由，毋宁死！
英文原文
Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
亨利演讲辞的英文版
Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death
Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.
Mr. President: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
本文大部份内容转载自维基，百度等网站。
附： 后来觉得菲尔博友的建议不错，因此取消了原来的视频，虽然都是艺术，但关联性的确不是太大。
当年美国建国元勋们是冒着“叛国“的罪名和生命危险去寻求一个崭新的制度体系，值得全世界人民的纪念，他的名言“give me liberty or give me death!”是流传千古的经典语录。
他有什么权利当马遮天，毛遮天？他又有什么能力去遮天？
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这个再同意不过了， 即使中国人古时也信天信祖宗的的，自秦以降，皇帝都是要祭天的，而伟大的毛导师把中国仅有的对天对祖宗的敬畏都毁灭了，对天的敬畏可以说是炎黄子孙自己的广义上的自己的宗教。人可以不信宗教，但没有权力去禁止别人信，禁止中国人信佛道，天地，祖宗的毛社会最后就演变成毛教，即把毛捧为神，毛自己变成了类似耶稣。默罕默德的人物，但毛终究不是耶稣，默罕默德。
即使当政者、马克思没见过天堂地狱，他也没权利禁止别人的探索啊，
他有什么权利当马遮天，毛遮天？他又有什么能力去遮天？
他有什么权利当马遮天，毛遮天？他又有什么能力去遮天？
同意马列不算宗教。是某种程度上用了一种错误的替代品来代替宗教功能。
按说宗教都是有出世间的功能，是探究终极真相的。
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马列属于唯物主义，世界的事情。错对不论，层面上和宗教本不是一回事儿。
本来有天堂地狱的，取消宗教把人限制于当下物质的一点，属于人手要遮天。。。
。。。
世界是时候对马列主义这个歪理邪说说不的时候了。
马斯克先生主张用电脑接人脑，问题是他自己为什么不先师范一下，看看有什么后果？一个在美国不交多少税的人居然想引领全世界。
宗教的确是人类需要的，没有宗教的后果其实世界已显现，就是美俄的核武可以毁灭世界，中国的无限制的污染排放依然可以让北极融化，宗教可以强调人善的一面，也给人以心灵安慰， 儒家严格来算不算宗教，马列教也不算宗教。
考虑社会架构，政治、经济规范，不能仅仅简单化地认定“我们都是特殊材料构成的”，这种水平的材料科学，应该说是落后的。:)
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我觉得很多人对西方人性恶的看法有偏颇 ，以为他们只承认人性恶。其实这是忽视了西方同时还有宗教，引导人向善。两方面都不耽误。
政府三权分立机制在某种程度上，是为了预防人性的恶，而不是为了鼓励人性的恶。
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人性的各方面（善恶）都要承认，才能是个完整可靠的体系。
恶的方面要有预防机制和调节机制。其实也不是恶，而是人性的惯性需求。
善的方面也不能封顶，没人可以遮天---要有宗教、信仰自由等等，这才是真正的健康有营养的社会。