数十亿美元给乌克兰 日本给俄罗斯造成了毁灭性的打击

日本刚刚给俄罗斯造成了毁灭性的打击！

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6eHRi4fJA6s

军事秀 2024年9月14日

在本视频中，我们探讨了日本在乌克兰冲突期间在反对俄罗斯方面日益增强的作用。日本曾经犹豫不决是否直接参与外国冲突，现在却是乌克兰的主要财政支持者，提供了数十亿美元的援助。我们将介绍日本通过一项新的投资条约对俄罗斯造成的最新打击，研究其在北方领土问题上的长期紧张局势，并质疑日本是否会很快通过提供军事援助来升级其参与程度。观看视频以了解日本对普京不断变化的立场。
俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京正处于危机模式。经过大约两年半的战斗，他的军队仍然无法占领乌克兰。事实上，每获得一块领土，乌克兰的反应就更加激烈。对普京来说更糟糕的是，这种反应越来越多地得到了世界其他国家的支持。数千亿美元的军事援助已经送往乌克兰，并承诺将提供更多援助。此外，普京现在必须面对这样一个事实：他的行动已导致许多北约成员国采取措施重新武装自己，为可能与俄罗斯发生的冲突做好准备。这并非吞并乌克兰的预期结果。俄罗斯预计会在几周内攻占该国，西方甚至没有机会做出反应。但这并没有发生。不过，至少普京需要担心的只是西方，对吧？俄罗斯的宿敌为乌克兰辩护并不奇怪。对普京来说，这只是西方试图通过集体干涉与其无关的事情来对世界其他国家施加地缘政治控制的另一个例子。只不过，反对俄罗斯的不仅仅是西方。自乌克兰战争爆发以来，日本不仅将自己定位为乌克兰的合作伙伴，而且越来越成为俄罗斯的敌人。现在，日本又一次对普京的野心造成了毁灭性的打击，随着其内部政策的进一步变化，可能会成为俄罗斯总统的更大眼中钉。这让我们看到了这段视频。我们将深入探讨日本对俄罗斯造成的最新毁灭性打击，并探索日本为反对普京政权所做的一切。在我们探讨关于日本处理乌克兰冲突的关键争论之前，您还将了解为什么会发生这一切。但首先是毁灭性的打击。2024 年 2 月，日本和乌克兰官员举行会议，讨论一项新的投资条约，该条约本质上可以作为日本向乌克兰注入资金的一种方式，即使它面临俄罗斯的持续轰炸。在这些条约谈判中，日本重申了它在冲突开始时做出的继续为重建乌克兰提供支持的承诺。这些会谈非常富有成效。日本首相岸田文雄宣布了一项双边税收协定，两国将制定一套防止企业和个人双重征税的税收规则。换句话说，想要向乌克兰投资的日本投资者不再需要担心被日本和乌克兰同时征税。虽然这看起来微不足道，但它表明日本正越来越致力于帮助乌克兰，让其投资者更容易在该国消费。乌克兰迫切需要这笔钱来重建和资助与俄罗斯的斗争。日本将通过放宽签证管制来支持这些新的税收规则——再次让日本投资者更容易进入乌克兰并在那里投资——此外还将为乌克兰的日本风险投资国家提供更多支持。尽管岸田当时没有提供更多细节，但乌克兰外长丹尼斯·什米哈尔 (Denys Shmyhal) 后来在社交媒体平台 Telegram 上发帖称，日本将制定一个由两部分组成的计划，通过该计划，它将为在乌克兰工作的日本投资者提供 13.5 亿美元的支持。随着时间的推移，这 13.5 亿美元可能会变成数十亿美元，乌克兰可以用这些钱来资助其战争努力和未来的重建。据什米哈尔称，新的税收协定还为丰田和本田等日本主要汽车制造商在乌克兰开设工厂打开了大门。同样，这些生产设施面向未来，为战后的乌克兰人提供工作，同时展示了国际公司与乌克兰做生意的意愿远高于与俄罗斯。这对普京来说是毁灭性的打击。这并不是日本近几个月来遭受的唯一打击。据美国之音报道，截至2024年2月，日本已经向乌克兰提供了100亿美元的援助。值得注意的是，这些援助既是人道主义援助，也是金融援助。

而不是许多其他国家提供的军事援助。在乌克兰和日本首相会晤后，还透露日本已承诺再提供 120 亿美元的财政援助，其中 47 亿美元将于 2024 年 2 月底前抵达乌克兰。这使得日本成为世界上向乌克兰提供财政援助最多的五个国家之一，仅落后于美国、德国、英国和各欧盟机构。日本向普京传达的信息很明确——东京支持乌克兰。如果普京没有从这一系列新的财政承诺中得到这一信息，那么当岸田文雄于 2024 年 4 月 11 日站在美国国会面前发表演讲时，他肯定会得到这一信息。当天，岸田告诉国会，美国在全球舞台上的领导地位是“不可或缺的”，这强化了日本对普京认为的西方全球霸权的承诺。岸田还尖锐地告诉在场的人：“正如我常说的，今天的乌克兰可能是明天的东亚”，然后进一步称赞美国不仅为乌克兰而且为印度太平洋地区提供的支持。他将普京的“特别军事行动”描述为“来自莫斯科的猛攻”，并询问如果没有美国的干预，印度太平洋国家（包括日本）多久会面临同样严峻的现实。岸田在演讲的最后对普京说了一句简单的话：“日本将继续与乌克兰站在一起。”如果普京认为他有希望修复与日本的关系，至少在乌克兰战争仍在进行期间，这些话就终结了这种想法。但事实上，两国关系几十年来一直紧张，日本宣布向乌克兰提供更多经济援助只是迄今为止一系列分歧中的最新一个。分歧包括围绕一小片岛屿的争端，俄罗斯称之为千岛群岛，日本称之为北方领土。二战后，苏联占领了这些岛屿，这些岛屿距离日本最北端的北海道东北仅 810 英里。自那以后，这一占领一直存在争议，路透社指出，由于日本和俄罗斯对这些岛屿的立场不同，二战期间的敌对状态仍未结束。由于俄罗斯最近的行动，这些立场变得更加坚定。据战略与国际研究中心 (CSIS) 称，2010 年代初，俄罗斯似乎即将把北方领土交还给日本。CSIS 称，这种可能性实际上对日本的外交政策产生了影响，因为前首相安倍晋三在其任期内大部分时间都在努力改善日俄关系，以创造足够的善意，从而达成协议。外交谈判、联合旅游项目，甚至日本对俄罗斯当地经济发展的投资都源于这种方法。但俄罗斯基本上把所有这些善意都抛在一边。自 2015 年以来，俄罗斯一直在稳步增加其在北方领土的军事存在，卫星图像显示普京一直在建设基础设施，CSIS 声称这些基础设施距离北海道只有 14 英里。这些发展包括在国后岛建造可容纳 7,000 人居住的兵营，并在岛上储存 Bal 反舰导弹 (ASM)。该岛的最南端距离日本领土仅 10 英里。类似的发展包括在 Etorofu 建造兵营和安装 Bastion ASM——距离日本领土仅 50 英里——以及扩建基地和在 Paramushiri 建造俄罗斯机场。该岛距离日本仅 380 英里。Bal 和 Bastion ASM 的射程在 185 至 310 英里之间，这导致俄罗斯向日本发出了一个信息，即如果日本愿意，它可以袭击北海道附近的任何船只。整个 2010 年代，紧张局势不断加剧。随后俄罗斯入侵乌克兰，日本向外界表明，它不会被普京的侵略行为吓倒。尽管俄罗斯的威胁越来越大，日本仍持续向乌克兰提供经济援助。此外，日本是首批与美国和七国集团（G7，世界七大经济强国的集合）其他成员国协调实施惩罚性制裁的国家之一。这些最初的制裁包括资产冻结、限制 Swift 支付访问以及限制各种受控物品的进出口。随后又实施了更多制裁。4 月2022 年，日本撤销了俄罗斯的“最惠国”地位。实施了更多资产冻结和出口禁令，包括禁止俄罗斯进口奢侈品。即使在 2024 年，日本仍在继续加强制裁。2024 年 2 月，日本与 G7 一起对俄罗斯石油设定了价格上限，3 月、4 月和 6 月还将实施更多资产冻结和出口禁令。日本还以其他方式表达了对乌克兰的支持。例如，据 CSIS 称，岸田文雄在 2023 年担任 G7 主席，他利用这一职位确保全球关注俄罗斯在乌克兰的行动。他的行动包括 2023 年 3 月访问基辅——这是日本领导人自二战以来首次访问活跃冲突地区。巧合的是，普京访问基辅的时间恰逢中国国家主席习近平在莫斯科举行峰会，这两件事似乎是四国之间划清界限的标志。岸田的战时访问也标志着日本传统的突破，日本过去通常专注于外交，而不是直接支持冲突双方。日本不再置身于战争之外。通过岸田，乌克兰也有机会与亚洲国家建立关系，否则它可能不会与这些国家合作。例如，2023 年 5 月，日本首相邀请乌克兰总统泽连斯基参加 G7 峰会，岸田还邀请了印度、非洲联盟和东南亚国家联盟的代表参加。这对普京来说是又一次打击，因为他看到他目前的对手正在与他想讨好的国家进行外交对话。因此，我们看到日本对俄罗斯的最新打击——承诺持续提供数十亿美元的财政援助——实际上是日本在几次外交打击之后最大的打击。所有这些都让我们不禁要问：为什么日本现在选择全力支持乌克兰对抗俄罗斯？部分原因已经得到解释。日本与俄罗斯的关系一直存在一定程度的紧张，即使在日本试图伸出外交橄榄枝的时期也是如此。普京通过军事化北方领土，加剧了这种紧张局势，将这些岛屿变成了对日本及其主权的真正威胁，即使我们忽略日本对这些岛屿的领土主张。然而，仅凭这些问题还不足以解释日本从外交尝试转向全面支持乌克兰的缓慢转变。还有其他因素在起作用。例如，日本的外交政策与过去几十年不同。二战后，日本决定在外交政策中采取和平主义和消极主义。我们看到，在与俄罗斯打交道时——直到最近两年，两国从未发生过冲突，即使俄罗斯声称拥有日本认为理应属于它的领土。布鲁金斯学会在一篇题为“日本外交政策的历史参数”的文章中指出，这种方法对日本非常有利可图。布雷顿森林体系的建立——要求货币与美元挂钩——导致了长期的经济成功。此外，布鲁金斯学会声称，通过采取更为消极的角色，日本能够经受住二战以来印度太平洋和东亚地区出现的各种危机、革命和战争，在所有情况下几乎都毫发无损。然而，国际形势正在慢慢地将日本从其消极被动和和平主义政策中推开。自 2000 年以来，中国日益现代化就是其中之一，日本可能认为，随着中国影响力的增强，日本正在逐渐失去其作为印度太平洋地区主要权力掮客之一的地位。中国影响力的增长也可以解释日本对俄罗斯的态度——普京和习近平在许多方面显然是盟友。从前面提到的峰会中可以明显看出这一点。再加上俄罗斯对北方领土的军事化，日本现在有两个国家正在微妙地——有时不那么微妙地——威胁其主权。面对这些问题，日本需要改变其国家战略。 CSIS 认为，这一变化实际上是 1991 年海湾战争期间开始的演变的结果。当时，日本严重依赖中东的石油进口，尽管它也贡献了 130 亿美元来支持在海湾作战的联军。当时，日本的行动被批评为“金钱外交”，许多人想知道为什么日本拒绝派出任何自己的军队来支持联军士兵。CSIS 指出，这种批评标志着日本在国际合作理念上发生了变化。随后几年，日本与盟友建立并扩大了伙伴关系，并增加了国防开支。后一项努力最终导致日本内阁批准了该国有史以来最大的国防一揽子计划。该计划将使日本在 2024 年向其军事投资 559 亿美元，这一数字每年都在增加，直到 2027 年达到 625 亿美元的峰值。再加上日本与美国和韩国签署了三边防御协议——以及加强与北约、印度和澳大利亚的关系——你会发现一个正在改变外交政策的国家。在当前的全球格局下，被动是行不通的。CSIS 指出，这些方法的改变似乎得到了日本人民的普遍支持。例如，2022 年 3 月（即俄罗斯入侵乌克兰一个月后）进行的一项调查显示，77% 的日本公民认为国际社会需要团结起来，阻止俄罗斯入侵。受访者担心，如果他们不这样做，俄罗斯强制实施的领土变化可能会为未来的变革尝试铺平道路，例如中国入侵台湾。这又回到了日本越来越担心其他国家的权力斗争。俄罗斯占领乌克兰将使中国更有信心在印度太平洋地区与台湾进行同样的尝试。因此，对于日本来说，成为阻止普京“特别军事行动”的集体努力的一部分至关重要，因为这样做意味着它可以证明成为未来阻止中国扩张的集体努力的一部分是合理的。这是政策的彻底转变。这一转变对普京打击很大，他可能认为即使入侵乌克兰，他也可以与日本保持友好关系。如果不是日本发生的另一场变化，这种情况可能就会发生：那些花了很长时间试图与俄罗斯建立更牢固关系的政客正在逐渐老去。这是根据卡内基基金会 2023 年 10 月的一份报告得出的结论，该报告指出，即使日本表达了对乌克兰的支持，该国国内的各种亲俄游说团体也成为头条新闻。这些年长的政客声称北约对俄罗斯的反应是“挑衅性的”，乌克兰的政策是错误的。然而，自 2010 年代日本的亲俄政策达到顶峰以来，这些游说团体变得越来越安静。安倍晋三遇刺是这一转变的导火索。这位经常称普京为“亲爱的弗拉基米尔”的人，对日本在 2014 年吞并克里米亚后未能对俄罗斯实施制裁负有责任。他还在 2016 年制定了加强日俄经济合作的计划。卡内基基金会表示，即使他在 2020 年辞去首相一职，他在日本自民党内的影响力也可能导致更多的亲俄政策。安倍于 2022 年 7 月遇刺意味着普京失去了他最大的日本盟友。他还不得不眼睁睁地看着其他盟友，如前首相鸠山由纪夫和森喜朗，已经太老了，无法对日本政策产生任何真正的影响。他们现在已经退休了。日本政坛中另一位亲普京的人物——铃木宗夫——是普京出任俄罗斯总统后接待的第一位外国政客。铃木甚至在安倍领导下担任俄罗斯政策的非官方顾问，这表明他与俄罗斯的关系变得多么紧密。但铃木现在正处于内部怀疑的阴影之下。2000 年代他因腐败而入狱，这对他没有帮助，自 2022 年 2 月以来，他为访问俄罗斯所做的一切努力都被自己的政党阻止了。日本新一代政客正在崭露头角。随着老派的每一次离去，普京的影响力已经减弱到几乎不可能与日本保持关系的地步。2024 年 6 月与朝鲜签署共同防御协定，本质上就是普京终结了重建这种关系的任何机会。对日本来说，这项协议只不过是俄罗斯在北方领土的行动和与中国的结盟的又一个侵略迹象。毕竟，朝鲜是日本在印度洋-太平洋地区的另一个重大威胁，也是对日本韩国盟友的威胁。正如外交关系委员会所强调的那样，与俄罗斯结盟使朝鲜更加危险，这进一步证实了岸田文雄的说法，即俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略不能被视为“欧洲独有”的问题。所有这些都让我们回到日本决定向乌克兰提供更多经济援助的问题。普京对这一强烈打击的回应表明俄罗斯与日本的关系已经恶化到何种程度。2024 年 6 月，共同社报道了俄罗斯总统的评论，称两国之间的当前条件不利于他们回到谈判桌上，为二战后时代缔结和平条约。日本可能会同意，尽管原因与普京所表达的不同。据普京称，责任完全在于日本及其对乌克兰的支持。“所做的一切都是日本做的，”普京声称，似乎无视——很可能是故意的——日本的决定受到他的行动和他的“特殊军事行动”的影响。这些言论是在 2022 年 3 月与日本的和平协定谈判暂停之后发表的。普京甚至走得更远，声称他不会回避访问北方四岛，这实际上是在告诉日本，他很乐意通过加强这些岛屿作为俄罗斯岛屿的地位来煽动日本。从字里行间我们可以看出，日本对乌克兰的深化支持给普京带来了沉重的打击。他于 3 月结束和平条约谈判并非巧合，而此时日本已经支持乌克兰两年了。承诺再提供 120 亿美元援助似乎是压垮他的最后一根稻草，这笔钱比以往任何时候都更清楚地表明，日本不再是俄罗斯的盟友。它是敌人。这种敌人身份引出了我们将在本视频中提出的最后一个问题——日本的经济援助承诺是否会变成军事援助承诺？关于日本是否应该采取最后一步巩固对乌克兰的支持，争论愈演愈烈。如果日本真的这么做，对普京的打击将比他过去两年不得不眼睁睁看着的日俄关系恶化和日本的财政援助计划加起来还要大。不过，日本仍然不愿意提供武器……在一定程度上。事实上，日本已经找到了一些外交变通办法，允许它间接向乌克兰提供武器，而实际上自己并不提供。例如，它提供的数十亿美元的财政援助似乎没有任何条件，这意味着乌克兰很可能自由地用这笔钱购买武器，如果它愿意的话。至少，这笔援助有助于在乌克兰经济面临崩溃风险的时期维持其运转。同样，这可以帮助乌克兰购买武器，并使其能够保持其制造基地的运转，以便制造自己的武器。更有趣的是，日本在武器部门找到了几种变通办法。例如，日经亚洲在 2024 年 7 月报道称，日本已同意向美国出售价值 1900 万美元的爱国者导弹，据称是为了帮助美国补充其数量，此前美国已向乌克兰提供了数百枚这种导弹。这些导弹系统一旦抵达华盛顿，美国如何使用它们没有任何条件。日本向美国提供的爱国者系统最终落入乌克兰手中的可能性很大——甚至很有可能，美国基本上充当中间人，这样日本就不必直接交付武器。俄罗斯意识到了这一点。其外交部声称，日本导弹出现在乌克兰将对俄罗斯与日本的关系产生“后果”。然而，鉴于这些关系的现状，日本可能并不太担心这些“后果”可能是什么。
值得注意的是，日本已向乌克兰提供了防护装备作为其援助计划的一部分。非致命装备的交付——包括防弹衣、头盔和大约 100 辆非军用车辆——表明日本愿意更直接地支持乌克兰。不过，它对直接运送武器划清了界限。一些人认为日本需要改变这一政策。
例如，《日本时报》 2023 年 4 月发表的一篇文章指出，日本是七国集团中唯一一个尚未直接向乌克兰运送武器的国家。然而，同一篇报道指出，日本已经对其指导方针进行了修改，允许其进行前面提到的头盔、防弹衣和车辆捐赠。当时，双方正在安排会谈，讨论进一步修改这些指导方针的可能性，这将允许日本向乌克兰提供致命武器。这些谈判并没有带来改变。然而，同一篇报道表明，日本国内越来越渴望该国采取更积极的立场。日本右翼民粹主义政党日本维新会就体现了这种渴望。2023 年，该党的参议院干事长猪濑直树选择派出 20 名皮卡前往乌克兰。

一辆装满罐头食品和其他补给品的卡车运往乌克兰。他用党员津贴的一部分支付了这笔费用，同时传达了关于运送的信息：“只要这些皮卡车不用来运输机枪，就不会有问题。接收方是否以这种方式使用它们取决于他们。只要我们自己不带着这种意图提供卡车，我们就没问题。”换句话说，日本可能在一年多后对爱国者导弹系统进行补充时采取同样的做法。其他人则认为，日本可能不会直接运送武器，因为它国内存在武器短缺。其中一位是筑波大学研究乌克兰战争的教授东野敦子。她支持日本向乌克兰运送爱国者导弹，但她也认为，近期内不太可能实现这种运送，因为日本在国防系统方面仍存在“严重赤字”。最近的军事预算批准可能会纠正这一赤字。也许，一旦日本认为自己有能力在印度太平洋地区抵御俄罗斯和中国，未来日本就会向乌克兰提供更多直接军事援助。至少，它在 2024 年 2 月承诺的 120 亿美元将对普京造成严重打击，无论是增加对乌克兰的支持，还是进一步破坏俄罗斯与日本的关系。如果日本选择开始运送武器，那么这一打击将随之而来，表明日本真正反对俄罗斯的意图。而且不仅在乌克兰，而且在扩大其在印度太平洋地区的影响力以及军事化北方领土方面也同样如此。但您怎么看？日本是否越来越接近开始向乌克兰运送武器的地步，还是仍然固守其消极政策而无法这样做？如果日本越过这条线，不仅仅是向乌克兰提供经济援助，您认为俄罗斯会作何反应？请在评论部分分享您的想法，感谢您观看此视频。现在去看看澳大利亚刚刚给俄罗斯带来了沉重打击！或者点击这个其他视频！

Japan Just Dealt Russia a DEVASTATING Blow!

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6eHRi4fJA6s
The Military Show  2024年9月14日

In this video, we explore Japan’s growing role in opposing Russia during the Ukraine conflict. Japan, once hesitant to engage directly in foreign conflicts, is now a key financial supporter of Ukraine, providing billions in aid. We’ll cover the latest blow Japan has dealt to Russia with a new investment treaty, examine its long-standing tensions over the Northern Territories, and question whether Japan may soon escalate its involvement by providing military aid. Watch to understand Japan’s evolving stance against Putin.
Russian President Vladimir Putin is in crisis  mode. After approximately two and a half years of fighting, his military still hasn’t been able  to take Ukraine. In fact, for every territorial gain comes an even fiercer Ukrainian response.  Worse yet for Putin, that response is increasingly being backed by the rest of the world. Hundreds of  billions of dollars in military aid have been sent to Ukraine, with commitments being made for many  billions more. Plus, Putin now has to face up to the fact that his actions have resulted in many  NATO members taking steps to rearm themselves so that they’re prepared for a possible conflict with  Russia. This was not how the annexation of Ukraine was supposed to go. Russia anticipated storming  in and taking the country in a matter of weeks,with the West not even having a chance to respond.  That didn’t happen. Still, at least it’s just the West Putin has to worry about, right? It’s no  surprise that Russia’s age-old enemy has come to Ukraine’s defense. To Putin, this is just  another example of the West trying to exert geopolitical control over the rest of the world  by sticking its collective nose into business with which it has nothing to do. Except it’s not just  the West that opposes Russia. Since the outbreak of the Ukraine war, Japan has positioned itself as  not only a partner to Ukraine but an increasingly viable enemy to Russia. Now, the country has dealt  another devastating blow to Putin’s ambitions and, with further changes to its internal policy,  could become an even bigger thorn in the Russian  
president’s side. That brings us to this video.  We’re going to dig into the latest devastating blow Japan has dealt to Russia, along with  exploring everything else Japan is doing to oppose Putin’s regime. You’ll also learn why all  of this is happening in the first place before we explore the key debate that rages about Japan’s  approach to the Ukraine conflict. But first – the devastating blow. In February 2024, officials from  Japan and Ukraine met to discuss a new investment treaty that could essentially act as a way for  Japan to funnel money into Ukraine even as it faces constant bombardment from Russia. During  those treaty negotiations, Japan reaffirmed a vow it made at the beginning of the conflict to  continue providing support to reconstruct Ukraine.  
Those talks were extremely productive. Japan’s  Prime Minister – Fumio Kishida – announced a  
bilateral tax treaty, in which both countries  will codify a set of tax rules that prevent double  
taxation of companies and individuals. In other  words, Japanese investors who want to pour money  
into Ukraine no longer need to worry about being  taxed by both Japan and Ukraine. While this may  
seem small, it’s a sign that Japan is increasingly  committed to helping Ukraine by making it easier  
for its investors to spend money in the country.  Money that Ukraine sorely needs to rebuild and  
fund its fight against Russia. Japan will support  these new tax rules by easing visa controls –  
again, making it easier for Japanese investors  to enter and invest in Ukraine – in addition to  
providing more support to Japanese venture capital  countries in Ukraine. Though Kishida didn’t  
provide further details at the time, his Ukrainian  counterpart – Denys Shmyhal – later posted on the  
social media platform Telegram that Japan would  create a two-part program through which it would  
provide $1.35 billion in support to Japanese  investors working in Ukraine. That’s $1.35 billion  
that could turn into many more billions over time,  all money Ukraine can use to fund both its war  
effort and its future reconstruction. According  to Shmyhal, the new tax treaty also opens the door  
for major Japanese carmakers, such as Toyota  and Honda, to open factories in Ukraine. Again,  
these production facilities are future-focused,  providing work for Ukrainians after the war while  
showcasing how international companies are far  more willing to do business with Ukraine than  
they are with Russia. A devastating blow for  Putin. And it’s not the only blow that Japan  
has landed in recent months. According to Voice of  America, Japan had already provided $10 billion in  
aid to Ukraine as of February 2024. It’s important  to note that this aid has been both humanitarian  
and financial – not the type of military aid that  many other countries have provided. Following the  
conference between Ukraine and Japan’s Prime  Ministers, it was also revealed that Japan  
has pledged to provide a further $12 billion in  financial assistance, of which $4.7 billion would  
arrive in Ukraine by the end of February 2024.  That places Japan among the top five countries  
in the world in terms of providing financial aid  to Ukraine, only falling behind the U.S., Germany,  
the U.K., and various European Union institutions.  The message being delivered to Putin by Japan  
is clear – Tokyo supports Ukraine. And if Putin  hadn’t received that message from this new volley  
of financial commitments, he’d have certainly  gotten it when Fumio Kishida stood in front of  
the U.S. Congress to deliver a speech on April 11,  2024. On that day, Kishida told Congress that U.S.  
leadership on the global stage is “indispensable,”  reinforcing Japan’s commitment to what Putin  
would consider the Western global hegemony.  Pointedly, Kishida also told those assembled:  
“As I often say, Ukraine of today may be East Asia  of tomorrow,” before further lauding the U.S. for  
the support it provides not just to Ukraine but  the Indo-Pacific region. He characterized Putin’s  
“special military operation” as an “onslaught from  Moscow,” and asked how long it would be before  
countries in the Indo-Pacific – Japan included  – would face similarly harsh realities were it  
not for American intervention. Kishida wrapped  the speech up with a simple message to Putin:  
“Japan will continue to stand with Ukraine.”  If Putin believed he had any hope of repairing  
his relationship with Japan, at least while the  Ukraine war is ongoing, those even words put an  
end to that notion. But in truth, the relationship  between the two countries has been tense for  
decades, with Japan’s announcement of more  financial aid to Ukraine being just the latest  
in a series of disagreements that have built up  to this moment. Disagreements such as those over a  
small collection of islands that Russia calls the  Kurils and Japan dubs the Northern Territories. In  
the wake of World War II, the Soviet Union seized  these islands, which are just 810 miles northeast  
of the northernmost Japanese island of Hokkaido.  That seizure has been disputed ever since, with  
Reuters pointing out that World War II hostilities  between Japan and Russia have still not ended due  
to their differing stances on these islands.  These stances have only grown more resolute due  
to recent Russian actions. According to the Center  for Strategic and International Studies, or CSIS,  
Russia appeared to be on the verge of handing  the Northern Territories back to Japan during  
the early 2010s. That possibility actually had an  impact on Japan’s foreign policy, claims CSIS, as  
former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe spent much of his  tenure working to improve relations between Japan  
and Russia to create enough goodwill to enable an  agreement to be reached. Diplomatic talks, joint  
tourism projects, and even Japanese investment  in local Russian economic development all stemmed  
from this approach. But Russia essentially took  all of that goodwill and tossed it aside. Since  
2015, Russia has been steadily increasing its  military presence in the Northern Territories,  
with satellite imagery showing Putin has been  building infrastructure that CSIS claims reaches  
as close as 14 miles away from Hokkaido. These  developments include the building of barracks  
large enough to host a population of 7,000 on  Kunashiri, along with the storage of Bal anti-ship  
missiles, or ASMs, on the island. That island’s  southernmost point lies just 10 miles away from  
Japanese territory. Similar developments include  the construction of barracks and installation of  
Bastion ASMs on Etorofu – just 50 miles outside  Japanese territory – along with the expansion of  
a base and development of a Russian airfield on  Paramushiri. That island is just 380 miles from  
Japan. The Bal and Bastion ASMs have ranges  between 185 and 310 miles, leading to Russia  
essentially sending a message to Japan that it  could strike practically any ship near Hokkaido  
if it wished to do so. Tensions were being raised  throughout the 2010s. Then came Russia’s invasion  
of Ukraine, which led to Japan showing that it  wouldn’t be cowed by Putin’s aggression. Even with  
a growing Russian threat looming to its north,  Japan has consistently provided financial aid  
to Ukraine. Furthermore, the country was one of  the first to coordinate with the U.S. and other  
members of the Group of Seven, or G7, nations  – a collective of the world’s seven strongest  
economic powers – to implement punitive sanctions.  These initial sanctions included asset freezes,  
restrictions on Swift payment access, and  restrictions on the import and export of various  
controlled items. More sanctions have followed.  April 2022 saw Japan revoke Russia’s “most-favored  
nation” status. More asset freezes and export  bans were implemented, including bans on luxury  
goods from Russia. Even in 2024, Japan continues  to build on its sanctions. February 2024 saw it  
join with the G7 to place a price cap on Russian  oil, with even more asset freezes and export bans  
coming in March, April, and June. Japan has also  shown its support for Ukraine in other ways. For  
instance, Fumio Kishida was the president of the  G7 in 2023, a position he used to ensure that  
global attention remained on Russia’s actions in  Ukraine, according to CSIS. His actions included  
visiting Kyiv in March 2023 – the first time a  Japanese leader has visited an active conflict  
zone since World War II. Uncoincidentally, that  visit to Kyiv happened around the same time  
that Putin held a summit in Moscow with China’s  President Xi Jinping, with the two events seeming  
to be the drawing of lines in the sand between  the four nations. Kishida’s wartime visit also  
marked a break in Japanese tradition, in which  it generally focused on diplomacy rather than  
directly supporting sides in conflicts. Japan was  no longer keeping out of the war. Through Kishida,  
Ukraine has also been given an opportunity to  build relationships with Asian nations it may not  
have otherwise worked alongside. For instance, May  2023 saw Japan’s Prime Minister invite Ukraine’s  
President Volodymyr Zelensky to a G7 summit to  which Kishida has also invited representatives  
from India, the African Union, and the Association  of Southeast Nations. It was another blow to  
Putin, as he saw his current rival engaging in  diplomatic conversations with countries he would  
like to curry favor with. So, we see the latest  blow Japan has dealt to Russia – the promise of  
billions of dollars in ongoing financial aid –  is actually just the largest following several  
diplomatic jabs Japan has delivered. All of  this leads us to a question: Why has Japan  
chosen now to fully support Ukraine in its efforts  against Russia? Some of the reasons have already  
been explained. Japan’s relationship with Russia  has always featured a certain amount of tension,  
even during the periods when Japan was trying  to extend the diplomatic olive branch. Putin has  
only added to those tensions by militarizing  the Northern Territories, transforming the  
islands into very real threats to Japan and  its sovereignty even if we disregard Japan’s  
territorial claims on the islands. Nevertheless,  these issues alone wouldn’t be enough to explain  
Japan’s slow moving away from attempted diplomacy  to full-blown support for Ukraine. There are other  
factors at play. For instance, Japan is taking a  different approach to its foreign policy than it  
has in many decades. Following World War II,  Japan made the purposeful decision to focus  
on pacifism and passivism in its foreign policy.  We see that in its dealings with Russia – until  
the last two years, the nations never came to  blows even with Russia claiming territory that  
Japan believes rightfully belongs to it. In a  piece titled “Historical Parameters of Japanese  
Foreign Policy,” Brookings points out that this  approach has been extremely lucrative for Japan.  
The institution of the Bretton Woods system –  which required currencies to peg themselves to the  
U.S. dollar – led to extended periods of economic  success. Plus, by taking a more passive role,  
Brookings claims, Japan has been able to  weather the various crises, revolutions,  
and wars seen in the Indo-Pacific and East  Asia since World War II, coming out practically  
undamaged in all cases. However, international  circumstances are slowly pushing Japan away from  
its policies of passiveness and pacifism. The  increasing modernization of China since 2000 is  
one such issue, with Japan likely believing that  it’s slowly losing its position as one of the  
chief powerbrokers in the Indo-Pacific as China’s  influence grows. That growth in Chinese influence  
can also explain Japan’s approach to Russia –  Putin and Xi are clearly allies in many respects.  
That’s evident from the previously mentioned  summits. Couple that with Russia’s militarization  
of the Northern Territories and Japan now has two  countries that are subtly – and sometimes not so  
subtly – threatening its sovereignty. In the face  of these issues, Japan has needed to change its  
national strategy. According to CSIS, this change  is actually the result of an evolution that began  
during the Gulf War in 1991. At that time,  Japan heavily relied upon the Middle East for  
its oil imports, though it also contributed $13  billion to support the coalition forces fighting  
in the Gulf. At the time, Japan’s actions were  criticized as “checkbook diplomacy,” with many  
wondering why the country refused to dedicate  any of its own forces to support the coalition  
soldiers. CSIS notes that this criticism marked  a change in how Japan approached the concept of  
international cooperation. The years that followed  saw it forming and expanding partnerships with its  
allies, in addition to boosting its defense  spending. The latter efforts culminated in  
Japan’s cabinet approving a request for the  country’s largest-ever defense package. That  
package will see Japan invest $55.9 billion  into its military in 2024, with the number  
increasing annually until it reaches a peak of  $62.5 billion in 2027. Add Japan’s inclusion in  
a trilateral defense agreement with the U.S.  and South Korea into the mix – in addition  
to strengthening its ties to NATO, India, and  Australia – and you have a country that’s shifting  
its foreign policy. Passivity couldn’t work in  the current global landscape. CSIS notes that  
these changes in approach appear to be generally  supported by the Japanese people. For instance,  
a survey conducted in March 2022 – a month  after Russia invaded Ukraine – revealed  
that 77% of Japan’s citizens believed that the  international community needed to band together  
to stop the Russian invasion. If they didn’t,  the respondents worried, the territorial changes  
Russia enforced could pave the way for future  attempts at change, such as a Chinese invasion  
of Taiwan. Again, it comes back to Japan becoming  increasingly concerned about power plays by other  
nations. Russia taking Ukraine would make China  more confident in attempting the same in the  
Indo-Pacific with Taiwan. So, it was crucial for  Japan that it became part of the collective effort  
to prevent Putin’s “special military operation”  as doing so means it could justify being part  
of future collective efforts to stop Chinese  expansion. It's a complete turnaround in policy.  
And a turnaround that hit hard with Putin, who  may have believed that he could maintain cordial  
relations with Japan even as he invaded Ukraine.  That could have been a possibility were it not for  
another change happening in Japan: The politicians  who had spent so long trying to build a stronger  
relationship with Russia are gradually aging out.  That’s according to an October 2023 report by  
The Carnegie Endowment, which noted that even as  Japan expressed its support for Ukraine, various  
pro-Russia lobbies inside the country were making  headlines. These older politicians were claiming  
NATO’s responses to Russia were “provocative”  and that Ukraine had misguided policies. However,  
those lobbyists have been growing quieter since  the 2010s, when pro-Russia policies in Japan were  
at their peak. The assassination of Shinzo Abe  was the trigger for this turnaround. The man who  
had often referred to Putin as “dear Vladimir” was  responsible for Japan’s failure to sanction Russia  
following the annexation of Crimea in 2014.  He also created plans to strengthen economic  
cooperation between Japan and Russia in 2016.  Even when he stepped down from his role as Prime  
Minister in 2020, The Carnegie Endowment says, his  influence within Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party  
would likely have led to more pro-Russian policy.  Abe’s July 2022 assassination meant Putin lost his  
biggest Japanese ally. He’s also had to watch as  other allies, such as former Prime Ministers Yukio  
Hatoyama and Yoshiro Mori, have grown too old to  have any true influence on Japanese policy. They  
are now retired. Another pro-Putin influence  in Japanese politics – Muneo Suzuki – was the  
first foreign politician Putin received after he  became Russia’s president. Suzuki even served as  
an unofficial advisor in Russia’s policies under  Abe, showcasing just how strong his ties with  
Russia became. But Suzuki is now working under a  cloud of internal suspicion. His imprisonment for  
corruption in the 2000s hasn’t helped, with  every effort he’s made to visit Russia since  
February 2022 being blocked by his own party.  There’s a new generation of politicians coming  
to the fore in Japan. And with each loss of  the old guard, Putin’s influence has waned to  
the point where it’s almost impossible for him  to maintain a relationship with Japan. Signing  
a mutual defense pact with North Korea in June  2024 was essentially Putin putting an end to any  
chances of rebuilding that relationship. To Japan,  that pact will be little more than another sign of  
aggression to go along with Russia’s actions in  the Northern Territories and its allegiance with  
China. After all, North Korea represents another  major threat to Japan in the Indo-Pacific, as  
well as a threat to Japan’s South Korean allies.  As the Council on Foreign Relations highlights,  
allying with Russia makes North Korea even more  dangerous, adding to Fumio Kishida’s claims that  
Russia’s aggression in Ukraine can’t be seen  as a “Europe-only” problem. All of this brings  
us back to Japan’s decision to send even more  financial aid to Ukraine. Putin’s responses to  
this powerful blow indicate just how far Russia’s  relationship with Japan has fallen. In June 2024,  
Kyodo News reported on the Russian President’s  comments that the current conditions between the  
countries aren’t conducive to them coming back to  the negotiating table to create a peace treaty for  
the post-World War II era. Japan would likely  agree, though not for the same reasons as Putin  
expresses. According to Putin, the blame firmly  rests with Japan and its support of Ukraine.  
“Everything that has been done has been done by  Japan,” Putin claimed, seemingly ignorant – likely  
purposefully – of the fact that Japan’s decisions  are being informed by his actions and his “special  
military operation.” These comments came after the  suspension of peace pact talks with Japan in March  
2022. Putin went even further, claiming that he  will not shy away from visiting the islands that  
make up the Northern Territories, essentially  telling Japan that he is happy to instigate by  
reinforcing their status as Russian islands.  Reading between the lines, we can see that  
Japan’s deepening support for Ukraine dealt a body  blow to Putin. It’s no coincidence that he ended  
the peace treaty talks in March, by which point  Japan had already been supporting Ukraine for two  
years. The pledge of a further $12 billion in aid  seems to be the straw that finally broke his back,  
with that money sending a clearer message than  ever before that Japan is no longer an ally to  
Russia. It is an enemy. That status as an enemy  leads us to the final question we’ll ask in this  
video – will Japan’s pledges of financial aid ever  turn into pledges of military aid? Debates have  
raged over whether Japan should take the final  step in solidifying its support of Ukraine. If  
it does, the blow would be even more devastating  to Putin than the deterioration of relationships  
he’s had to watch over the last two years and  Japan’s financial aid packages combined. Still,  
Japan remains reluctant to provide weapons…to  an extent. In truth, Japan has already found a  
handful of diplomatic workarounds that allow it  to indirectly provide weapons to Ukraine without  
actually providing them itself. For instance,  there appear to be no conditions placed on the  
billions in financial aid it has provided,  meaning Ukraine is likely free to use that  
money to purchase weapons with the money if it so  chooses. If nothing else, that aid is helping to  
keep Ukraine’s economy afloat during a period  when it would be at risk of collapsing. Again,  
that can help Ukraine to purchase weapons, as  well as enable it to keep its manufacturing base  
running so it can build weapons of its own. More  interestingly, Japan has found several workarounds  
in the weapons department. For instance, Nikkei  Asia reported in July 2024 that Japan had agreed  
to sell $19 million worth of Patriot missiles to  the United States, supposedly to help the U.S.  
replenish its numbers after it had provided  hundreds of these missiles to Ukraine. There  
are no conditions on how the U.S. uses these  missile systems once they land in Washington.  
It’s very possible – perhaps even likely – that  the Patriot systems Japan is providing to the U.S.  
will eventually find their way into Ukrainian  hands, with the U.S. essentially acting as an  
intermediary so Japan doesn’t have to deliver  the weapons directly. Russia is aware of this.  
Its Foreign Ministry claimed that the appearance  of any Japanese missiles in Ukraine would lead to  
“consequences” for Russia’s relations with Japan.  However, given the status of those relations,  
it’s likely that Japan isn’t too worried  about what those “consequences” might be.  
It’s also worth noting that Japan has provided  protective gear to Ukraine as part of its aid  
packages. Deliveries of non-lethal equipment  – including body armor, helmets, and about 100  
non-military vehicles – show that Japan is willing  to support Ukraine a little more directly. Still,  
it draws the line at sending weapons directly.  Some argue that Japan needs to change this policy.  
For instance, an April 2023 article published  by The Japan Times pointed out that Japan was  
the only member of the G7 that had yet to  send weapons directly to Ukraine. However,  
the same report noted that Japan had made  changes to its guidelines, allowing it to make  
the previously mentioned donations of helmets,  body armor, and vehicles. At the time, talks  
were being arranged to discuss the possibility  of making further amendments to those guidelines,  
which would allow Japan to provide Ukraine with  lethal weapons. Those talks didn’t lead to a  
change. However, the same report suggests that  there is a growing appetite inside Japan for the  
country to take a more active stance. Nippon  Ishin no Kai – a right-wing populist party in  
Japan – showcases that appetite. In 2023,  the party’s Upper House Secretary-General,  
Naoki Inose, chose to send 20 pickup trucks,  each loaded with canned food and other supplies,  
to Ukraine. He paid for this using a portion of  his party member’s stipends while delivering a  
message about the delivery: “As long as these  pickup trucks aren’t used to transport machine  
guns, there should be no problem. It’s up to the  receiver if they use them in that way. As long  
as we ourselves do not offer the trucks with  that intention, we are fine.” In other words,  
it’s the same approach Japan potentially might  take with the replenishment of Patriot missile  
systems over a year later. Others argue that Japan  may not be delivering weapons directly because it  
has a deficit at home. One of those people is  Atsuko Higashino, who is a professor at the  
University of Tsukuba studying the Ukraine war.  She comes out in favor of Japan delivering Patriot  
missiles to Ukraine, though she also believes  such deliveries are unlikely in the near future  
because Japan still has a “serious deficit” when  it comes to its defense systems. A deficit that  
the recent military budget approvals could see  it rectify. Perhaps the future will see Japan  
lending more direct military aid to Ukraine once  it believes it’s in a position to defend itself  
against Russia and China in the Indo-Pacific.  If nothing else, the $12 billion it pledged in  
February 2024 will be a serious blow to Putin,  both in terms of increased support being lent  
to Ukraine and the further collapse of Russia’s  relationship with Japan. Should Japan choose to  
start sending weapons, that blow will be followed  up with a haymaker signaling Japan’s intent to  
truly oppose Russia. And not just in Ukraine, but  also in its efforts to expand its influence in the  
Indo-Pacific, as well as its work to militarize  the Northern Territories. But what do you  
think? Is Japan edging ever closer to a point  where it’ll start sending weapons to Ukraine,  
or is it still too stuck in its passivism  policies to do so? How do you think Russia  
would react if Japan crossed that line and  went beyond merely providing financial aid  
to Ukraine? Share your thoughts in the comment  section and thank you for watching this video.  
Now go check out Australia Just Dealt Russia a  CRUSHING Blow! or click this other video instead!