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Upcoming Ontario PC leader Caroline Mulroney, her father and mother
This is a group of reproduced information about upcoming Ontario PC leader Caroline Mulroney, her father and mother.
Contacts
https://carolinemulroney.ca/contact/
Phone: 905-960-1457
Email: caroline@carolinemulroney.ca
Media Inquiries: media@carolinemulroney.ca
Caroline Mulroney Campaign
P.O. Box 106
Sutton West, ON
L0E 1R0
Caroline Mulroney officially joins PC leadership race - Toronto - CBC
Daughter of former PM also receives key endorsement from rumoured candidate Rod Phillips
The Canadian Press Posted: Feb 04, 2018 3:40 PM ET Last Updated: Feb 04, 2018 10:16 PM ET
Caroline Mulroney, the Toronto lawyer and daughter of former prime minister Brian Mulroney, is running to become the leader of Ontario's Progressive Conservative Party.
Mulroney confirmed the news, which has been rumoured for over a week, in a series of interviews Sunday afternoon at a hockey arena in north Toronto. She took questions from reporters between watching her two boys play on their Triple A teams.
前总理马罗尼女儿有望成为省保守党党魁
有消息称，前加拿大总理马罗尼（Brian Mulroney）的女儿Caroline Mulroney可能临危受命，出任新的安省保守党党魁。如果这个消息属实，安省2018年省选将会出现3个主要政党均为女性党魁竞争省长。
现年43岁的Caroline Mulroney去年才取得York-Simcoe选区提名。不过，由于他的父亲是加拿大前总理，儿童时期就对政治有一些接触。
2015年12月，多伦多太阳报曾猜测她是否会被推选为联邦保守党的新党魁。据未署名的保守党人部消息称，“她拥有的智慧与光芒，足以在未来选举中与现任总理小杜鲁多较量。”不过，当时Caroline并没有表态有意竞选联邦保守党领袖。
2017年8月，Caroline宣布竞选安省保守党York-Simcoe选区提名。9月，她成为该选区保守党候选人，并被认为是2018年省选的一颗政治新星。
彭建邦辞职后，小马罗尼并没有宣布有意竞选党领袖，但是发表了一份简短声明，她说：“我们生活在一个伟大的时代，安省、加拿大，乃至全球的女性和女童不再沉默，她们受到性骚扰的故事有人在倾听……这是悲伤的一天。”
阿省保守党国会议员Michelle Rempel已经在推特上回复表示对她的支持。
形势比人强，尚无从政经验的小马罗尼突然可能竞选当上省长。上次联邦大选，小杜鲁多势不可挡击败执政的哈珀总理，今年6月省选，小马罗尼会不会上演“拼爹2.0版” ，扳倒省长韦恩？
Mather, Mila Mulroney
Toronto, Ontario, M4P 2C9
Milica "Mila" Mulroney (Serbian Cyrillic: Милица "Мила" Пивнички – Milica "Mila" Pivni?ki; born July 13, 1953) is the wife of the 18th Prime Minister of Canada, Brian Mulroney. They have one daughter, Caroline, and three sons, Ben, Mark, and Nicolas. Their youngest child, Nicolas, was born while the family was living in 24 Sussex Drive.
Life and work
Mulroney was born Milica Pivni?ki to Serbian Orthodoxparents Dimitrije "Mita" Pivni?ki and Bogdanka (née Ili?) in Sarajevo, PR Bosnia-Herzegovina, FPR Yugoslavia. Her first years were spent in the city of Sarajevo where her father was assigned to practise medicine by Yugoslav Titoistauthorities. In 1956, Dr. Pivni?ki took a research fellowship position at the Royal Victoria Hospital's Allan Memorial Institute of Psychiatry in Montreal in order to circumvent the strict exit rules in Yugoslavia and get his family out of the country. While his pregnant wife Bogdanka waited to join him, she moved with young Milica back to their hometown of Novi Be?ej, Serbia. Finally, two years later, in 1958, she and their two children (five-year-old Milica and one-year-old Jovan) emigrated to Canada and joined Dimitrije in Montreal. Mila, the elder child, studied engineering at Concordia University, but did not graduate.[1]
At age 19, she married Brian Mulroney, then a 34-year-old lawyer, on May 26, 1973. Both were involved with the Progressive Conservatives (PC) in Westmount. Mila played a large role in her husband's first campaign for the Progressive Conservative Party leadership.
Mila was a radical change from the wives of recent prime ministers — the feminist Maureen McTeer and the “wild child” Margaret Trudeau. Being a housewife, she greatly appealed to that demographic, especially in her responses to criticism from prominent feminists (including, in 1987, remarks from Sheila Copps). Many PC campaign buttons featured both Mulroney’s face and hers, and Ontario Premier Bill Davis commented to Brian, “Mila will get you more votes for you than you will for yourself.”[2]
She took on a greater role than many Prime Ministers’ wives while Mulroney was in office, acting as a campaigner for several children’s charities. Her role, which some claimed was trying to become a “First Lady,” was criticized (especially when she hired a personal office and staff and for her lavish redecoration of the Prime Minister's residence). Her frequent shopping sprees became tabloid fodder, with some in the press dubbing her “Imelda” for her love of shoes (she allegedly had over 100 pairs).[3] In her book On the Take, Stevie Cameron accused Mila of trying to sell her old furniture to the government for much more than its value.
Mila Mulroney is currently a director of the Canadian Cystic Fibrosis Foundation and of Astral.
Father, Brian Mulroney
Martin Brian Mulroney, PC, CC, GOQ, lawyer, businessman, politician, prime minister of Canada 1984 to 1993 (born 20 March 1939 in Baie-Comeau, QC).
Mulroney, Brian
Martin Brian Mulroney (© Yousuf Karsh/Comstock Images & Agency/ National Archives of Canada/PA-164231).
Japanese Canadians
September 1988, Prime Minister Brian Mulroney signs the agreement to compensate the Japanese-Canadians for the expropriation of their property and their internment during World War II (photo by Mike Binder).
Martin Brian Mulroney, PC, CC, GOQ, lawyer, businessman, politician, prime minister of Canada 1984 to 1993 (born 20 March 1939 in Baie-Comeau, QC). As prime minister and leader of the Progressive Conservative party, Brian Mulroney brought in the landmark Free Trade Agreement with the United States, and oversaw passage of the unpopular Goods and Services Tax. Mulroney’s tenure was also marked by his efforts to persuade Québec government to sign the Constitution; despite extensive consultation and negotiation, both the Meech Lake Accord and Charlottetown Accord were unsuccessful. In foreign affairs, he took a strong stance against apartheid. Mulroney has also been recognized for his environmental record, including the Acid Rain Accord with the United States and passage of the Environmental Protection Act.
Education and Early Life
The son of Irish immigrants, Brian Mulroney's father was an electrician, anxious that his children escape the paper mill that dominated Baie-Comeau. Brian Mulroney attended the private St Thomas High School in Chatham, New Brunswick, and then St Francis Xavier University in Antigonish, Nova Scotia, where he studied political science, joined the campus Conservative club, and was prime minister in the Combined Atlantic Universities Parliament. He worked for John Diefenbaker's successful leadership campaign in 1956. Smooth beyond his years, fluently bilingual and gregarious, Mulroney returned to Québec in 1961, receiving a law degree at Laval.
Lawyer and Businessman
Brian Mulroney joined a major Montréal law firm (now Norton Rose Fulbright) in 1964, soon specializing in labour negotiations for concerns such as Iron Ore Company of Canada and Power Corporation of Canada. His father died in 1965, and Mulroney took on heavy family responsibilities. Later, in 1973, he married Mila Pivnicki.
In 1974–75 Mulroney won public attention as an articulate and hard-hitting member of the Cliche Commission on violence and corruption in the construction industry in Québec. By now he was the leading Conservative organizer and fund-raiser in the province. Despite never having run for office, he was a strong candidate for the leadership of the federal party in 1976, finally being eliminated on the third ballot.
Mulroney became Vice President of Iron Ore Company in 1976; as president 1977–83 he emphasized management-labour relations and was able, at the end of his term, to close the company's operation in Schefferville, Québec, without serious political repercussions. Mulroney again ran for the Progressive Conservative leadership in 1983, a low-key effort in response to charges that his 1976 campaign had been too slick and showy. He beat Joe Clark on the final ballot: 1584 votes to 1325.
Leader of the Opposition
As leader of the Opposition and Member of Parliament for Central Nova in 1983–84, he proved a skillful manager, concentrating on healing party wounds and building a solid electoral machine. Moderate and conciliatory by nature, he called for a strengthened private sector and less government intervention in the economy, minority French-language rights, and closer Canadian-American and federal-provincial relations.
In the general election of 1984 he ran an almost flawless campaign against Prime Minister John Turner's Liberals and won 211 seats, the largest number in Canadian history. Mulroney, who had always emphasized the importance of Québec to the Conservatives, captured the seat of Manicouagan, his home riding. His pledge to bring Québec to the Constitution "with honour and enthusiasm" was decisive in persuading many Québec nationalists to support the Conservatives. The party took 58 of its seats in the province, the breakthrough that Mulroney had promised would take place under his leadership. He was sworn in as the 18th prime minister on 17 September 1984.
Economic and Constitutional Reform
The first two years of Brian Mulroney's administration were marked by indecision and scandals in his Cabinet, but by the spring of 1987 he had launched the two important initiatives that would mark his first term: the negotiation of the Meech Lake Accord (see Meech Lake Accord: Document) and the conclusion of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the United States, which was reached that October. The FTA became the central issue in the 1988 federal election, and the Conservatives overcame a resurgent Liberal Party around whom opposition to the FTA coalesced. The FTA went into effect 1 January 1989.
However, the Meech Lake Accord slowly unravelled, and its collapse in June 1990 was at least partly attributed to Mulroney's widely quoted "roll of the dice" in scheduling the final first ministers' conference so close to the deadline. His government reached a new low in popularity with the imposition of the new Goods and Services Tax (GST), which went into effect 1 January 1991. Mulroney had to stack the Senate with supporters in order to get the bill through the upper house.
Critics blamed the severity of the recession of the early 1990s on the FTA, but the Conservatives continued their policy of open trade and negotiated a North American free-trade agreement which this time included Mexico. Mulroney's popularity according to the polls was lower than that of any other prime minister in history as he attempted to arrange yet another constitutional pact in the fall of 1992. The so-called Charlottetown Accord (see Charlottetown Accord: Document) was pieced together after numerous commissions and negotiations, but it was rejected in a nation-wide referendum.
Environment and Apartheid
Although Brian Mulroney is best known for his economic and constitutional policies, his record in foreign affairs and the environment is also significant. In contrast to British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and American President Ronald Reagan, Mulroney took a strong stand against apartheid, recommending stiff economic and diplomatic sanctions against South Africa. Shortly after Nelson Mandela was finally released from a South African prison in 1990, the anti-apartheid activist publicly thanked Canada for its support (see Nelson Mandela: A Soft Spot for Canada).
Mulroney also took strong measures to protect the environment. In 2006, he was voted the “greenest” prime minister in Canadian history in a survey by Corporate Knights: The Magazine for Clean Capitalism. In 1991, Mulroney negotiated the Acid Rain Accord with the United States, an air quality agreement that has significantly reduced acid rain levels and sulfur dioxide (SO2) emissions (see also Air Pollution). While prime minister he also passed the Environmental Protection Act (1988) and created eight new national parks.
Retirement from Politics
After much speculation, Brian Mulroney announced his decision to leave politics in February 1993. Despite his skill in putting together a coalition of Québecois and Westerners and in uniting the traditionally fractious Conservative Party, Mulroney's constitutional failures, the economic problems brought on by the persistent recession, the lingering bitterness over the GST and his personal unpopularity had made his political future and that of his party look bleak. He turned over the office of prime minister to Kim Campbell on 25 June 1993. His Conservative coalition disintegrated in the 1993 election. Only two Conservatives were elected in all Canada and the party lost its status as an official party in the House of Commons. Many blamed Mulroney's failures and his personal unpopularity for the most unprecedented disaster in Canadian political history.
Post-Political Career
Brian Mulroney has been senior partner at the law firm Norton Rose Fulbright (formerly Ogilvy Renault) since 1993. In June 1997, the federal Liberal government apologized to Mulroney for the false accusations that he had committed fraud in the Airbus scandal.
In 1998, Mulroney became chairman of Forbes Global Business and Finance, the English-language international edition of Forbes magazine, and he was invested as a Companion of the Order of Canada.
A director on several corporate boards, in 2014 Mulroney was named chairman of Quebecor Inc., a Montréal-based media company.
Honours and Awards
Privy Council (1984)
Companion, Order of Canada (1998)
Grand Officer, National Order of Quebec (2002)
Woodrow Wilson Award for Public Service (2003)
Order of Kniaz (King) Yaroslav the Wise, First Class, Ukraine (2007)
Grand Cordon, Order of the Rising Sun, Japan (2011)
Honorary Doctor of Laws, Memorial University of Newfoundland (1980)
Honorary Doctor of Laws, University of Western Ontario (2007)
Honorary Doctor of Laws, Concordia University(2005)
Mulroney remembers Margaret Thatcher: An Iron Lady
Mulroney remembers Thatcher: An Iron Lady, indeed
Brian Mulroney remembers the 'commanding' force of Margaret Thatche
Canadian conservatives eulogize Margaret Thatcher
Brian Mulroney on Thatcher: ‘The world has lost one of its giants’
Mulroney remembers Thatcher: An Iron Lady, indeed
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Prime Minister Brian Mulroney welcomes British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to the Economic Summit at Toronto City Hall in this June 19, 1988 file photo.
FRED CHARTRAND/THE CANADIAN PRESS
BRIAN MULRONEY CONTRIBUTED TO THE GLOBE AND MAIL
PUBLISHED APRIL 9, 2013 UPDATED MARCH 26, 2017
In a friendship that extended over 30 years, I argued passionately with Margaret Thatcher, I fought with her, and I won and lost battles with her.
But at the same time, I loved Margaret Thatcher.
If you admired strength and vision, if you respected a political colleague who could endure the most powerful blows and never flinch, if you respected a leader who stood on principle no matter how politically painful was its defence – you had to love Margaret Thatcher.
I remember most vividly the end of her time in office. We were together at a high-level summit in Paris, in November of 1990, on the very weekend of the caucus revolt that removed her from office. I was stunned that after winning three strong majorities she could be turfed out in such a manner – and indeed, so was she. She would not have come to the meeting if she had understood how serious was the conspiracy against her.
Margaret and I had a complicated friendship. I admired her position on most issues, and we supported each other at international meetings on issues as diverse as bringing Mikhail Gorbachev into the circle of the G7, on free trade and on expanding NATO to broaden and deepen the boundaries of democratic Europe. But on one issue we clashed, repeatedly.
Mrs. Thatcher could not see the importance, the inevitability even, of the end of a system as patently cruel as apartheid. We had our most difficult conversations about it for more than five years, including an especially intense one-on-one at Mirabel Airport. The photo of the two of us makes clear how wrenching was our exchange. Margaret left office before the astonishing transformation that was Nelson Mandela's arrival on the world stage, and I avoided renewing our debates on the subject after that. She certainly wasn't for the turning, as she said, but we remained friends. I know she suspected me of being what she would call "a wet" – not sufficiently hardline by her standards.
She came to visit in her retirement years, spending one glorious weekend with my family and me at the prime minister's residence at Harrington Lake. We talked and laughed and shared memories of the grand battles we had fought and won together until well into the evening. We had other fine holidays together in South Hampton in New York and in Palm Beach in her retirement years.
Margaret was careful not to interfere in other countries' domestic politics, sensitive to how difficult such meddling would be for a fellow leader – most of the time. ... However, when she came to Ottawa in the midst of our free-trade debate, to my amusement and the horror of many colleagues, critics and reporters, she used part of her speech to the House of Commons to laud not only the free-trade agreement and but our government for having attempted it. She gave me an "aren't I wicked?" smile as she sat down.
It was only two years later though that she was attempting to maintain the same confident zeal in a tough negotiation. We were together at the then-new Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. Margaret drove her security policy views backed by her usual intensely detailed homework. In all my public life, I only met one other leader who prepared so meticulously for important meetings – Peter Lougheed.
During the discussions, she maintained her confident, even jaunty air, but late that night before a formal dinner at Versailles she turned to me and said, "Brian, I need a friend to talk to. As I said in my diary note later, "I was overwhelmed by the sadness in her eyes and by her loneliness..." I shared with her the story of John Diefenbaker and his similarly painful defeat. We chatted about the vagaries of political life. Then Mila and I escorted her into the room.
This was a side of Margaret I had never seen, and that she did not permit the world to see, then or later. Margaret Thatcher was never going to go quietly – and she did not. Setting up a large foundation devoted to her political values, writing a two-volume memoir and offering advice to leaders in private – and sometimes with her typically razor-sharp acuity – in public.
I was pleased to have a chance to share memories with her and then share them with those gathered at the memorial for Ronald Reagan in 2004. Our last time together was over lunch at Claridge's in London. Margaret was almost as sharp in her judgments of people and events as the first time I met her 30 years earlier.
It is always tempting for one generation to regard the leaders of the generations that follow with some condescension. But I believe I am safe in saying that at a crucial chapter in her country's history, without Margaret Thatcher's resolute leadership, the United Kingdom would have suffered far more deeply.
And I am confident in saying that, at an equally crucial moment in global history – the collapse of communism and the reunification of Europe – the world was blessed to have had leaders of the stature of Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, the first George Bush and Helmut Kohl, to lead us through that fateful transition. I feel blessed to have known and worked many late nights with each of them – and most blessed of all to have had that privilege with Margaret Thatcher, an Iron Lady indeed.
Brian Mulroney was Prime Minister of Canada from 1984 to1993.
Brian Mulroney remembers the 'commanding' force of Margaret Thatcher
Brian Mulroney says his old friend Margaret Thatcher was commanding and fierce in her political battles, but also a dear and thoughtful friend.
Margaret Thatcher leads the way as Ronald Reagan, Brian Mulroney and Helmut Kohl follow her into a courtyard at Hart House in Toronto in June 1988.
By SUSAN DELACOURTStar Columnist
Mon., April 8, 2013
OTTAWA—Former prime minister Brian Mulroney last saw Margaret Thatcher about a year and a half ago, when he took her to lunch at Claridge’s in London.
Though suffering from dementia, she still remembered her old friend and conservative ally from the 1980s, and as always, she called him “Brawn.”
Toward the end of the lunch, Thatcher said: “Brawn, I’m sorry. I’m going to have to leave because I have to go home and make tea for Denis.”
Thatcher had brought Lord Charles Powell, her former foreign adviser, along to the lunch and he gently reminded her that Sir Denis had passed away in 2003.
Mulroney wasn’t sure what to say. “She looked at me, she didn’t say anything, and then, very softly, she said: ‘Yes, of course I remember. But you know Brawn, I still have to go home and make tea.’”
Mulroney took her arm and escorted her out through the opulent lobby at Claridge’s. Instantly recognized by the crowds, resplendent in a maroon suit and diamond jewelry, Thatcher was applauded as she made her exit with her old Canadian friend.
On learning of her death on Monday, Mulroney had a flood of recollections about his dealings with Thatcher, whom he said will be remembered as a “commanding figure in history.”
There were many times when they stood shoulder to shoulder with U.S. president Ronald Reagan — the three of them known as a powerful, conservative triumvirate on the world stage in the 1980s. Mulroney credits Thatcher for blazing the conservative trail with her election in 1979 — proving that it was possible, indeed necessary, to repudiate the social-welfare-state policies of the 1970s.
“I would say that her agenda had a very significant influence, not only on Canada and the United States, but elsewhere,” Mulroney said, citing his own record in reversing the legacy of Liberal rule under Pierre Trudeau, and how Thatcher’s example had emboldened him to do so.
Even so, he said, Thatcher always saw him as a little soft when it came to conservatism. “Margaret thought I was too progressive and not conservative enough,” he laughed.
And then there were the battles, too — in particular, a large blowup between Mulroney and Thatcher in 1986 over the issue of sanctions against apartheid in South Africa. Mulroney was for them, Thatcher was adamantly opposed.
“That was not a polite skirmish,” Mulroney said. That was the only fundamental disagreement on policy that we had.”
At one point, during a tense meeting at Mirabel airport near Montreal, Mulroney said he had to shout at her: “Margaret. I am not a member of your government. I am the prime minister of a sovereign nation . . . . If you want somebody to follow you, go get someone from your own government.”
There were no lingering hard feelings over that row, though, Mulroney said, and the two went on to build a deep and enduring friendship that lasted well beyond Thatcher’s 1990 ouster as prime minister. Mulroney was actually with her at a global conference in Paris as the Conservative forces in London were massing to unseat her. Mulroney wrote extensively in his memoirs of her sad but stoic demeanour in the face of the caucus uprising that was brewing back at home. Indeed, when she returned, Thatcher was removed as leader.
Mulroney continued to see her throughout the years, sometimes on long-weekend vacations he and his wife Mila took with Nancy Reagan and the Thatchers.
“In private, she was a gentle, kind, thoughtful, polite, hugely enjoyable person,” he said. “She was a truly wonderful human being.”
Brian Mulroney on Thatcher: ‘The world has lost one of its giants’
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U.S. President Ronald Reagan, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Prime Minister Brian Mulroney chat at a G7 leaders' summit on June 20, 1988. HANS DERYK
The world today has lost one of its giants. Margaret Thatcher was the most transformative leader of her country since Churchill. She played a crucial role in the successful navigation of the end of the Cold War and the launch of a new era.
Mila and I share with her family and friends around the world deep sadness at her passing. Margaret was an inspiration to a generation of leaders around the world, with her courage, her conviction and her ability to stand up to dictatorship and to lead her country in war. The Britain she took charge of in 1979 was a country burdened with illness, social and economic. By the time of her departure more than a decade later Britain was a confident winner again.
I was privileged to work with Margaret, with Ronald Reagan and with Helmut Kohl, François Mitterrand as we attempted to persuade first European colleagues and then the world that the death of the Soviet Union meant an entirely new set of relationships in the world. Those leaders found the path to a new future for Germany, for Europe and for the world. It was an achievement in which Margaret was a driving force.
Like every great leader, with strong convictions and a bold vision, she made enemies. Some Canadians were unconvinced by her approach. But in a series of visits to Canada she won many friends here. By her final visit in 1988 she was recognized as the founder of modern Conservatism, a leader who had dragged her country from the brink of economic and social crisis, and a beacon of strong principled leadership to the world.
Read more about: Brian Mulroney, Quebec, Margaret Thatcher
加拿大前总理马丁·布赖恩·马尔罗尼
http://www.baike.com/wiki/%E9%A9%AC%E4%B8%81%C2%B7%E5%B8%83%E8%
马丁·布赖恩·马尔罗尼（Martin Brian Mulroney）（1939年3月20日－），是第23任加拿大总理。他的任期从1984年9月17日到1993年6月25日。
马尔罗尼出身于魁北克省贝科莫一个爱尔兰裔家庭，青年时期曾就读于圣弗朗西斯·格扎维埃大学。在那里他参加了保守党，并与当时的保守党领袖约翰·迪芬贝克建立了联系。大学毕业后，马尔罗尼进入魁北克城的拉瓦尔大学法学院，被迫重操法语，因而熟练掌握了加拿大的两种主要语言。他曾任魁北克北岸与拉布拉多铁路公司董事和总经理、联合省保险公司董事，并在加拿大帝国商业银行、汉纳煤炭公司、标准广播公司等企业任职。1965年马尔罗尼成为蒙特利尔市一位颇负盛名的律师。1973年他同比他小13岁，出身于南斯拉夫移民家庭的米拉结婚，婚后生育了3个子女。
1977年后，马尔罗尼历任加拿大铁矿公司总裁、董事兼总经理，加拿大帝国商业银行及其他12家公司董事等职。
总理
1983年马尔罗尼复出从政，并当选为进步保守党新领袖，并通过补缺入选众议院。
在1984年9月的大选中，进步保守党获得211个议会席位，达到加拿大国会历史上的空前绝对多数，取得超过三分之二的席次，自由党议席大减至40店，结束自由党长达二十年的执政。1984年9月17日，45岁的马尔罗尼成为加拿大第18任总理。新的保守党政府强调民族和解，承认魁北克省的特殊性，于1987年6月与10省政府达成有关承认魁北克省特殊社会地位的米奇湖修宪协议。1988年1月2日马尔罗尼总理和罗纳德·里根总统分别签署加、美自由贸易协定，后更支持北美自由贸易协议。
1988年10月1日马尔罗尼宣布解散议会。11月21日加拿大举行第三十四届联邦大选，马尔罗尼成功连任总理，但保守党总席次下降至169席。
修宪受挫及下台
1990年6月米奇湖修宪协议因未能在规定的3年内获得全部10省议会的批准而宣告夭折。魁北克省法裔的独立情绪随之再度高涨。马尔罗尼与10省2地区和土著人代表经过马拉松式的艰苦谈判，终于在1992年8月达成一项新的修宪协议。为保证该协议在联邦和各省议会顺利通过，马尔罗尼决定以全国公民投票方式对该决议进行表决，结果因55％的选民投票反对而遭否决。这是继1990年米奇湖协议夭折后，马尔罗尼政府在修宪问题上再次受挫。
随后的民意测验结果表明，马尔罗尼的选民支持率降至12％，远远落在自由党领袖的后面，保守党的选民支持率也只有19％。为使保守党在1993年秋天的大选中获胜，马尔罗尼于1993年2月宣布辞职。6月，加拿大国防部长金·坎贝尔在执政的保守党领袖选举的第二轮投票中获胜，当选为该党的新领袖，并接替前领袖马尔罗尼出任政府总理，成为加拿大第一位担当此任的女性。9月8日，坎贝尔宣布解散议会，定于10月25日举行联邦大选。选举结果自由党大获全胜。
经历/马丁·布赖恩·马尔罗尼 编辑
1965年马尔罗尼成为蒙特利尔市一位颇负盛名的律师。1973年他同比他小13岁，出身于南斯拉夫移民家庭的米拉结婚，婚后生育了3个子女。
1977年后，马尔罗尼历任加拿大铁矿公司总裁、董事兼总经理，加拿大帝国商业银行及其他12家公司董事等职。
1983年马尔罗尼复出从政，并当选为进步保守党新领袖，并通过补缺入选众议院。
在1984年9月的大选中，保守党获得211个议会席位，达到加拿大历史上的空前多数，同年9月17日，45岁的马尔罗尼成为加拿大第十八位总理。
新政府强调民族和解，承认魁北克省的特殊性，于1987年6月与10省政府达成有关承认魁北克省特殊社会地位的米奇湖修宪协议。
1988年1月2日马尔罗尼总理和里根总统分别签署加、美自由贸易协定。
1988年秋，马尔罗尼在西北地区的一个土著民族社区内签署了一份历史性协议，给予1.5万名居住在马更些河盆地的甸尼(dene)和梅蒂族部落以西北地区1万平方公里土地的拥有权，包括地下权在内。马尔罗尼说：“这份原则性条约，一旦彻底执行，将会在生长于斯的人民和服务于他们的政府之间建立起一个新的、更密切、更健康的关系。”
1988年10月1日马尔罗尼宣布解散议会。11月21日加拿大举行第三十四届联邦大选，马尔罗尼连任总理。
1989年1月30日，马尔罗尼总理宣布改组内阁，并成立了由总理任主席的政府开支审查委员会，以控制政府开支，减少财政赤字。
1、同经济、贸易领域的开放政策相配合，加拿大在马尔罗尼时代更积极地参与了国际事务。
2、1988年加拿大在国际事务中值得自豪的另一件事是得到在安理会中为期两年的理事国席位。自1948年联合国成立以来，加拿大先后4次被选为安理会非常任理事国，大约每10年一次。
3、对于当时一些重大的国际问题，加拿大政府的态度是明朗的。如在美国对尼加拉瓜实行禁运后，加拿大不仅继续同尼加拉瓜保持经贸联系，而且同意把尼加拉瓜原设在美国的贸易办事处迁往加拿大。
4、除了积极参与维持世界和平外，加拿大还热衷于改善自然环境和人权状况。1988年9月29日，马尔罗尼在联合国大会的致词中说：“当今世界正面临一场空前严重的环境危机。大自然亦向我们发出紧急警告：假使我们再不密切注意这个问题，它将会给我们带来灾难。这个危机的讯号有目共睹：林木短缺，表土瘠化，广泛的土地沙漠化，鱼类数量剧降，大批海狗在北海死亡和白鲸被冲上圣劳伦斯河畔等等。还有人说，人类的生存已经受到直接威胁。”1989年3月，马尔罗尼总理参加了在海牙举行的最高级会议，也是世界历史上第一次针对自然环境问题而举行的各国首脑会议。他号召世界各国为保障全人类的生存权利，共同起来防止大气污染和减轻温室效应。
5、80年代初，加拿大外事机构发生了很大变化。 1981年4月，国外移民计划的管理责任与加拿大雇佣和移民委员会班子一起移交到外交部。
6、外事机构的调整是与加拿大政府施政重心的转移和加拿大国际地位变化密切相关的。经过半个世纪的发展，加拿大由一个不具备外交权利的自治领发展为一个在世界上有广泛影响的泱泱大国。
7、在发展同其他国家的关系方面，加拿大一方面稳定了它与美国和英联邦国家的关系，另一方面也努力加强同亚太国家之间的联系。
8、发展与稳定同英联邦各国的关系，仍然是加拿大对外政策的一个重要方面。加拿大在英联邦中的政策目标是：加强团结，为国际和平与发展做出贡献；加强作为实用性合作圈子的自身发展。同美国的关系是加拿大对外关系的重心。美、加两国依然是军事盟国，对北约承担着义务。1986年3月，马尔罗尼总理访问了美国，两国签署了共同治理酸雨污染的协议，续签了《北美航空航天防御司令部协定》。
9、1985年，加拿大出口商品的78％销往美国，占其国民生产总值的24％，同时也进口了占美国出口总额22％的商品。加美互惠贸易协定签订以后，两国的经济关系更为密切。约翰·布什当选总统后，首先出访了加拿大，与马尔罗尼总理商讨了诸如酸雨及加美自由贸易协定的履行等问题。1989年以来，两国在政治上的见解更趋一致，并加强了协商合作。马尔罗尼总理与布什总统除保持着里根时期建立的两国领导人年度磋商外，还进行了一些非定期会晤。
10、为了在国际政治中发挥积极作用及促进对外贸易与合作，加拿大还加强了同第三世界国家的关系，中国便是其中之一。1986年5月，加拿大总理马尔罗尼访问了中国。1989年5月，中国万里委员长访问了加拿大。1989年5月，在中国举办了以“共享未来”为主题的加中友好月。内容包括教育、文化、体育、经济开发和贸易促进等领域的20多项活动。马尔罗尼总理为此专门发表了电视致词。加中友好月所举办的各项活动，反映了中加关系已经在相当广泛的领域内获得发展。在两国建交20周年之际，双方可以充满信心地总结过去的友谊与合作，展望未来的发展前景，以期真正实现友好月的口号：共享未来。
竞争激烈！又一知名人士参选安省保守党党领 www.bcbay.com | 2018-01-28
多伦多市长竞选人Doug Ford称，他正在考虑竞选安省进步保守党的领导人。
CP24得到消息称，福特今天正在会晤可能的金主、工作人员和支持者。福特称，他最早周一就能得到回音。
福特宣布竞争党领的背景是，Patrick Brown 因不当性举动指控而辞职党领，虽然Brown 本人强烈否认指控。
保守党的金融批评人士Vic Fedeli 被选为过渡期领导人，但是在3月以前保守党的行政机构会投票举办领导人竞选，选出新的党魁。
其他有望参选的人包括Christine Elliot，他在上次党魁竞选中得票数位列第二。前总理马尔罗尼(Brian Mulroney，第23任加拿大总理)的女儿Caroline Mulroney也会参与竞选。
Fedeli 也称自己有意竞选永久党魁职务。
这并非福特第一次考虑竞选保守党领导。在2014年，福特就曾表示自己考虑参加2015年竞选，但是最终决定放弃竞选。
Brown辞职后，Forum Research发布的民调显示，12%的参与者表示他们会支持Christine Elliot，11%的参与者表示会支持福特作为下任党魁。
