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雅美之途 (热门博主)
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美国华裔孩子同样拥有马丁·路德·金的梦想

(2016-01-18 12:58:35) 下一个

美国著名神经外科医生和总统候选人Ben Carson。

今天为记念马丁·路德·金生日的美国法定假日,金博士在《我拥有一个梦想》的著名演说中的这段话似乎格外应该值得我们深思。这也是有些人认为金博士是共和党人的原因,这句子是他反对实施了半个世纪的给予少数种族巨额优待的平权法案的重要依据:

“I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character."

作者在上世纪六十年代梦想的国家是,希望有一天他的四个孩子在被评价时,那些评判的标准将不是他们的肤色而是他们的品行。金牧师的这段话拥有普世的情怀,我们与其说他领导的民权运动受到了印度甘地的和平抗争的鼓舞,倒不如说贝多芬第九交响曲的四海皆兄弟的主旋律感染了他。具体地讲,任何人如果优秀得如Ben Carson(见图)这般,你就理应成为受人尊敬的神经外科医生和美国总统候选人;你若在商店抢劫,在街头聚众闹事,甚至入室杀人或强奸,你就应该被投入监狱。可是美国现在奇迹正在发生,因为我们居然出了一位以释放监狱罪犯为己任的总统。

金博士的这句话应该是那篇演讲的精髓,可是现在非洲裔学生入学名牌大学的容易程度是亚裔学生的15倍以上,这直接违背了金博士此句的精神。哈佛耶鲁对外宣称的综合评议的录取政策,实质上就是包含了以人的皮肤颜色为考量标准的种族歧视的鲜明表现。

在一个标榜人权与自由的国家,几乎所有大学的申请表格里,都存在详细询问各位申请人的种族类別的小方盒。如果经费充足他们恨不得会测定那些申请人的基因,即使你是非洲裔心脏科医生的儿子都比亚裔小店主的后代享受更优待的录取红利,这样的荒唐政策还被政客们以平等为由向全社会洗脑。

我们华裔同样拥有金博士的梦想,我们的先辈也曾经在美国以几乎是半奴隶的身份为美国修造西部铁路。那些华裔劳工没有奢求美国还他们的债,只是希望他们的子孙和同族的后代在升学入学时能够得到公正的对待,以他们的学识和对美国的未来贡献的热忱,而不是他们的族裔作为判断标准。他们的梦想其实非常简单,那就是未来华裔杰出学生收到斯坦福大学的拒绝通知时,他或她不会像现在这样说:“我唯一不能做的是改变我的华裔种族!”。

I Have a Dream

Martin Luther King, Jr.

28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. *We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only."* We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

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评论
雅美之途 回复 悄悄话 回复 'czhz' 的评论 : 我不认为那是前提,那是他们心虚的表现,其实他们最想知道的就是学生的皮肤颜色,没有比这更种族歧视的了。亚裔不填那盒子有抗议的成份在里面,反而会影响采取这行动的学生被录取的机率,所以亚裔填写它是被迫的,很多亚裔恨死那小方盒子了。
czhz 回复 悄悄话 回复 '雅美之途' 的评论 : 我只是说了这个表格的一个简单的事实,
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就是一个简单的事实,你却遗漏掉了自愿填写这么一个重要前提。自愿和强制有着本质的不同。另外,你又如何看待你在中国时,几乎所有的表格上都有“民族”,“籍贯”一栏,还没说明是自愿(optional) 的。
雅美之途 回复 悄悄话 回复 'czhz' 的评论 : 我还是客气没有作引申的说明: 你不填,学校也会寻找出你属于什么种族的。我只是说了这个表格的一个简单的事实,其实我还应该说亚裔不填是对自己不利的,因为这行为已经表示你在抗议。任何人都会带自己的观点,用误导你说过头了。
czhz 回复 悄悄话 回复 '雅美之途' 的评论 : 我并不在乎,所以填了。但我知道有些人就是没填,照样被多所名校录取了,包括哈佛!为了加强自己的论点而不准确,不全面地陈述事例,这难道不是误导?
雅美之途 回复 悄悄话 回复 'czhz' 的评论 : 这叫误导?你孩子申请时不填试试?
czhz 回复 悄悄话 几乎所有大学的申请表格里,都存在详细询问各位申请人的种族类別的小方盒。
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这是自愿填写的,这点你应该是很清楚的。不应该有意误导读者。
NJM 回复 悄悄话 We need MLK not the Crab.
Blue-Crab 回复 悄悄话 如果你的孩子没能去常春藤学校, 是因为他们不够好。 我们很多人从常春藤大学研究生毕业。
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