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中国要政改了?胡锦涛定调中国政治制度改革的基调

(2007-06-28 00:12:03) 下一个
中国要政改了?胡锦涛定调中国政治制度改革的基调 时事述评

中共领导人胡锦涛近日指出,中国政治制度的现代化尝试,绝不能危及中共的一党统治。纽约时报称,在中共十七大将于秋季在北京举行之前,胡的这番讲话无疑定下一个保守的基调。

纽约时报6月27日发表驻北京记者周看(Joseph Kahn)撰写的文章,介绍了中共领导人胡锦涛6月25日在中央党校省部级干部进修班发表的讲话,并用《中国领导人誓言要坚持一党统治》来作为标题。

文章说,担任中共中央总书记的胡锦涛,6月25日利用在中央党校向党政军精英发表重要讲话的机会,来推动一个渐进的政治和经济改革的视觉。在中国官方6月26日发表的胡锦涛的讲话内容中,他表示要继续扩大平民百姓的“政治参与”,但却排除了走向西方式民主的步骤。

胡锦涛说:“我国政治体制改革必须坚持正确的政治方向,必须随着经济社会发展不断推进,努力与我国人民政治参与的积极性不断提高相适应。”胡锦涛接着强调说,这种变化“要坚持党的领导、人民当家作主、依法治国有机统一,不断推进社会主义政治制度自我完善和发展”,来维持共产党的垄断政治权力。

在胡锦涛发表最新讲话后,中共各级别官员已开始有组织地进行学习。东方网的一篇文章署名文章称:根据我党政治运作的规则,在十七大这么一个重要会议召开之前,党中央总书记在中央党校的讲话,应该被看作是一次为十七大精神定调的讲话。江泽民在十四大、十五大和十六大召开之前都曾经在中央党校发表过重要讲话并在国内外产生了很大影响。

人民网的署名文章称,在每次党代会召开前夕,党的总书记都会到中央党校发表重要讲话,既是进一步统一思想,也是向外界传递一些党代会内容的信息,以便于更好地做好宣传工作。在党的十七大召开前夕,胡锦涛总书记再次来到中央党校,在省部级干部进修班上发表了重要讲话,提出了“四个坚定不移”的战略目标和要求。

文章称,可以这样说,这“四个坚定不移”,既是十七大的基调,也是今后一段时期党和国家中心工作的方向,是今后一个时期奋斗的目标。

光明日报6月27日发表评论员的文章称,当前,我们要按照胡锦涛总书记的要求,自觉做到四个“坚定不移”。我们要深刻认识到,解放思想是党的思想路线的本质要求,是我们应对前进道路上各种新情况新问题、不断开创事业新局面的一大法宝,必须坚定不移地加以坚持。

文章还称,在新的历史起点上,我们要紧密团结在以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央周围,坚持以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导,深入贯彻落实科学发展观,继续解放思想,坚持改革开放,推动科学发展,促进社会和谐,坚定不移地走中国特色社会主义伟大道路。

纽约时报指出,当天出席在中央党校会议的有中共中央委员会委员、中央政府高级官员、各省领导人,以及高级军事和安全官员,这也使胡锦涛的讲话变成他自2002年成为中国领导人后的最重要的讲话之一。

这次会议未对外国记者公开,但中共官方公开的胡锦涛的讲话内容却未有多少新意。胡锦涛强调了他的被人熟知的思想模式--提倡“和谐社会”和“科学发展”。

这些流行语是近几年胡锦涛和中国总理温家宝所提出的口号,为的是缩小中国富裕的精英阶层,与占绝大多数的在这个国家经济快速增长中获益很小的工薪人口之间的贫富差距。纽约时报指出,在发展中国家中,中国是世界上财富分配最不平等的国家,城市和乡村的生活标准存在着极大的差距。

此外,胡锦涛和温家宝这两位中国领导人,还一直在寻求减少对那些能源密集和污染严重的经济的日益依赖,这种经济已使中国的空气和水源变成世界最脏的,并威胁到这个国家的生态活力。

解决这些问题的许多措施,近几年已变得更加恶化,但胡锦涛并没有提出新的政策来强调它。相反,他至少在他发表的言论中,重申了意识形态的框架,似乎是有意让下级官员来作出决策。中国的执政党将在秋季召开每五年一次的全国代表大会,期间将对主要领导岗位做出决定。

纽约时报称,在中共十七召开前,将涉及到党的所有级别的密集的幕后权力争斗,目前胡锦涛已经发动了反腐败运动。此外,胡锦涛还容许少数被信赖的精英思想家,针对政治改革措施在党的刊物上展开辩论。在发表的评论文章中,几位退休的高级官员和知名学者都主张在中国的政治生活中要有更多的民主。

在建议和征询公众参于决策等方面,民主一词已在中国被广泛使用。胡锦涛已明确表示,他并不预期对这个专制统治进行彻底大修。纽约时报最后指出,胡锦涛在讲话中坚持,“社会主义民主”和“基层民主”是中共的长期目标,应该用“积极稳妥”的努力来发展它。胡锦涛还强调说,这种改变必须有序地进行,不能削弱党的“领导作用”。

China’s Leader Vows to Uphold One-Party Rule


BEIJING, June 26 — President Hu Jintao said attempts to modernize China’s political system must not jeopardize one-party rule, setting a conservative tone before an important Communist Party conclave in the fall.

Mr. Hu, who is also the Communist Party chief, used a major address to the party, government and military elite in Beijing on Monday to promote a gradualist vision of political and economic change, according to the text of his remarks published Tuesday. He embraced greater “political participation” by ordinary people but ruled out steps toward Western-style democracy.

“The reform of our nation’s political system must maintain a correct political direction, must unrelentingly keep pace with economic and social development and must endeavor to adjust to the active political participation of our nation’s people,” Mr. Hu said.

Such changes should “advance the self-perfection in the development of the socialist political system,” while preserving the Communist Party’s monopoly on political power, he said.

“Insist on the party’s leadership, governance by the people and ruling the nation by laws,” he said.

The members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, top central government and provincial leaders, and senior military and security officials attended Mr. Hu’s address, at the party’s Central Party School in Beijing, making it one of his most important speeches since he became China’s leader in 2002.

The event was closed to Chinese and foreign journalists, but the published text of his speech broke little new ground. He emphasized his well-worn ideological formulas of promoting a “harmonious society” and “scientific development.”

Those catchphrases have become associated in recent years with a program by Mr. Hu and China’s prime minister, Wen Jiabao, to reduce the gap between China’s wealthy elite and a vast majority of its working population, which has benefited far less from the country’s long streak of rapid economic growth. China has one of the most unequal distributions of wealth in the developing world, with an especially wide gap in living standards between urban and rural residents.

The two leaders have also sought to reduce the economy’s growing dependence on industries that are energy intensive and pollute heavily, which has made China’s air and water among the dirtiest in the world and threatened the country’s ecological viability.

By many measures those problems have worsened in recent years, but Mr. Hu did not advocate new policies to address them. Instead, at least in his published remarks, he reiterated an ideological framework that seemed intended to inform policy making by lower-level officials. The ruling party will convene this fall for a national congress, held once every five years, during which it decides on major leadership positions.

Before the congress, which involves intensive, behind-the-scenes jockeying for power at all levels of the party, Mr. Hu has campaigned against corruption. He has also permitted a few trusted elite thinkers to debate measures for political change in party journals.

In published essays, several retired senior officials and leading scholars have advocated more democracy in Chinese political life.

The term democracy is widely used in Chinese political discourse to suggest public consultation or popular participation in decision making. Mr. Hu made clear that he did not envision an overhaul of authoritarian rule.

He said that “socialist democracy” and “grass-roots democracy” were long-term goals of the party, and that it should make “active and safe” efforts to develop them. He also emphasized that such changes must proceed in an orderly way, without diminishing the party’s “leading role.”




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