空手一方客
收获了一种恬静的生活, 像一条波澜不惊的小河, 流过春夏 流过秋冬
James Miles：目睹西藏骚乱的英国“经济学人”记者。
-----他的文字、图片和访谈让西方媒体的前期报道大打折扣。
-----从此，CNN一类西方媒体的报道口吻多少有点变了。
德国电视台NTV在新闻报道中把尼泊尔警察抓捕藏人说成是“发生在西藏的事件”。
在对西藏3.14骚乱的报道上，几家有名的西方媒体都出尽了臭，
* 早年在海湾战争中一露头角的CNN,在西藏问题上的报道图片明显做手脚，让人对CNN的诚实和操守大打折扣。CNN，这个曾几何时我们看新闻的首选，现在竟用剪刀剪剪照片就来胡弄观众，真是典型
的老美自以为是作风。CNN到了现在还没表示过道歉，死不认账的嘴脸，很像小布什，真让人不齿。
* 德国RTL电视台新闻栏目曾登出一幅表现4名挥舞棍棒的警察追打游行者的照片，幷将其注解为“中国警察在西藏镇压抗议者”。德国RTL电视台网站23日不得不承认对这幅照片做出了错误的文字说明，----因为这一照片反映的是3月17日尼泊尔警察在首都加德满都驱散游行者。其实，德国RTL电视台不仅是那表面对图片进行了错误的解释，而是他们骨子里对中国的偏见和认知的错误。
* 英国BBC也在新闻报道中使用了风马牛不相及的照片，把尼泊尔警察在首都加德满都驱散游行者的照片注解为“中国警察镇压藏民”。到现在BBC还没有公开向大众道歉。
-----让这些有名的西方媒体出臭的原因，就是这些媒体对中国的长期偏见和自己的利益。他们违背新闻的真实原则，多是道听途说。他们不仅没有自己的一线记者在现场直击，而且只是用电脑编辑手段来达到自己需要的“新闻”效果，来得到自己设定的新闻目的。
-----让这些有名的西方媒体出臭的原因，就是这些媒体对中国和西藏的认知，多是基于藏独和达赖的观点，甚至全面照搬。他们从来不对反面的意见加以求证。这样置他们自己到了十亿中国人的对立面。尤其经过这次的“新闻”效果，西方媒体在中国人心中的分量减低了，诚信度大打折扣---长远来讲，这是西方媒体在中国问题上最大的失败。
-----让这些有名的西方媒体能出臭的原因，就是中国的媒体控制官员仍然使用老手段，把各家记者拒于现场之外，给人以猜测、杜撰、和混淆视听提供了机会。
-----让这些有名的西方媒体能出臭的原因，就是Youtube功能的社会作用，它让普通民众加大了直接接触到真相的机会。Youtubo上的图片，让往日媒体玩观众/读者于股上的伎俩给彻底戳穿了。
-----让这些有名的西方媒体能出臭的原因，就是海外华人的努力，尤其新一代大陆移民利用传媒和Youtube的功能，揭穿了西方媒体的偏见不公正和造谣惑众的嘴脸。
-----让这些有名的西方媒体能出臭的原因，就是一个西方记者在拉萨做出了与他们的惯常不同的报道，他就是英国经济学人{ the Economics}常住北京的记者James Miles。
3月1日，英国经济学人（ the Economics）常住北京的记者James Miles申请到拉萨采访。他12日到了拉萨，3月14号西藏就爆发了骚乱。真好让他给赶上了----对一个记者来讲，这是千载难逢的机会。这让他再次目睹了骚乱的实况-----就像当年他目睹了天安门的实况一样。
James Miles说，“骚乱发生后，我在横贯拉萨市的北京路上看见100多名藏人向汉人经营的商店扔石头，向那些过路的汉人扔石头。这些藏人不是僧侣，看上去只是一般市民打扮，可能还是别的地方来的藏人。”
“他们对付的是汉人，还有穆斯林。那些穆斯林人掌控着拉萨的肉食市场”。
“我看到那些藏人扛着传统的剑。尽管没有拔出绡，但对汉人的威慑和恐吓是有的。”
“有3个骑自行车的汉人从我身边经过。那些藏人就往他们身上扔石头，也向过路的汉人出租车司机扔石头。有一块石头打中了汽车窗户，司机很快掉转车头逃离现场。我还看见这些藏人在路中央用脚践踏中国国旗。”
“之后的几个小时，在拉萨市的旧城区，一大批汉人经营的商店受到了这些暴徒的袭击，店主的财物被拖到街上，堆成堆，用火点燃。很多汉人仓惶逃跑。有一些汉人躲在商店顶层自己的家里不敢出来。”
James Miles说，我看到了许多军人，但没有看到他们镇压藏人。接触的人越多，发现越来越多的受害人是汉人。
James Miles是目前“唯一获中国许可进藏”的在现场的外国记者，他目睹了这次骚乱的的实况，他在网上发表的文字和图片报道给了CNN, BBC, NTV, RTL等西方媒体一记响亮的耳光。随即，CNN一改过去对西藏问题的蛮横态度，不仅在自己的网上转载了James Miles的报道，而且报道西藏的口吻也改变了；RTL在网上公开认错；德国新闻频道NTV也表示正在对相关报道进行核查。
当然，不论这些西方媒体如何检讨，他们骨子里对中国的认知还是有差距的，那就是他们根深蒂固的偏见。不管是在政治、社会、思想和文化方面，他们那种自以为是的傲慢,自然而然地维护着他们的偏见。
西藏事件对西方媒体是个教训，对中国官方来讲也是一个教训。他对我们这些海外的华人来讲也是一个经验：它让我们要学会分析西方媒体的报道，学会批评西方媒体的报道，学会揭露西方媒体的虚伪，学会表达自己知道的真相，......
下面是CNN对James Miles的访问稿：
BEIJING, China (CNN) -- James Miles, of The Economist, has just returned from Lhasa, Tibet. The following is a transcript of an interview he gave to CNN.
James Miles
Q. How easy was it for you to see what you wanted to see?
A. Well remarkably so, given that the authorities are normally extremely sensitive about the presence of foreign journalists when this kind of incident occurs. I was expecting all along that they were going to call me up and tell me to leave Lhasa immediately. I think what restrained them from doing that, one very important factor in this, was the thoughts of the Olympic Games that are going to be staged in Beijing in August. And they have been going out of their way to convince the rest of the world that China is opening up in advance of this. I think they probably didn't want me there but they knew that I was there with official permission, and one thing they've been trying to get across over the last few months is that journalists based in Beijing can now get around the country more freely than they could before. Of course Tibet is a special example. I've been a journalist in China now for 15 years altogether. This is the first time that I've ever got official approval to go to Tibet. And it's remarkable I think that they decided to let me stay there and probably they felt that it was a bit of a gamble. But as the protests went on I think they also probably felt that having me there would help to get across the scale of the ethnically-targeted violence that the Chinese themselves have also been trying to highlight.
Q. What you say you saw corroborates the official version. What exactly did you see?
A. What I saw was calculated targeted violence against an ethnic group, or I should say two ethnic groups, primarily ethnic Han Chinese living in Lhasa, but also members of the Muslim Hui minority in Lhasa. And the Huis in Lhasa control much of the meat industry in the city. Those two groups were singled out by ethnic Tibetans. They marked those businesses that they knew to be Tibetan owned with white traditional scarves. Those businesses were left intact. Almost every single other across a wide swathe of the city, not only in the old Tibetan quarter, but also beyond it in areas dominated by the ethnic Han Chinese. Almost every other business was either burned, looted, destroyed, smashed into, the property therein hauled out into the streets, piled up, burned. It was an extraordinary outpouring of ethnic violence of a most unpleasant nature to watch, which surprised some Tibetans watching it. So they themselves were taken aback at the extent of what they saw. And it was not just targeted against property either. Of course many ethnic Han Chinese and Huis fled as soon as this broke out. But those who were caught in the early stages of it were themselves targeted. Stones thrown at them. At one point, I saw them throwing stones at a boy of maybe around 10 years old perhaps cycling along the street. I in fact walked out in front of them and said stop. It was a remarkable explosion of simmering ethnic grievances in the city.
Q. Did you see other weapons?
A. I saw them carrying traditional Tibetan swords, I didn't actually see them getting them out and intimidating people with them. But clearly the purpose of carrying them was to scare people. And speaking later to ethnic Han Chinese, that was one point that they frequently drew attention to. That these people were armed and very intimidating.
Q. There was an official response to this. In some reporting, info coming from Tibetan exiles, there was keenness to report it as Tiananmen.
A. Well the Chinese response to this was very interesting. Because you would expect at the first sings of any unrest in Lhasa, which is a city on a knife-edge at the best of times. That the response would be immediate and decisive. That they would cordon off whatever section of the city involved, that they would grab the people involved in the unrest. In fact what we saw, and I was watching it at the earliest stages, was complete inaction on the part of the authorities. It seemed as if they were paralyzed by indecision over how to handle this. The rioting rapidly spread from Beijing Road, this main central thoroughfare of Lhasa, into the narrow alleyways of the old Tibetan quarter. But I didn't see any attempt in those early hours by the authorities to intervene. And I suspect again the Olympics were a factor there. That they were very worried that if they did move in decisively at that early stage of the unrest that bloodshed would ensue in their efforts to control it. And what they did instead was let the rioting run its course and it didn't really finish as far as I saw until the middle of the day on the following day on the Saturday, March the 15th. So in effect what they did was sacrifice the livelihoods of many, many ethnic Han Chinese in the city for the sake of letting the rioters vent their anger. And then being able to move in gradually with troops with rifles that they occasionally let off with single shots, apparently warning shots, in order to scare everybody back into their homes and put an end to this.
Q. Would be false to suggest there was heavy-handed security approach?
A. Well this was covering a vast area of the city and I was the only foreign journalist, at least accredited, to ... who was there to witness this. It was impossible to get a total picture. I did hear persistent rumors while I was there during this rioting of isolated clashes between the security forces and rioters. And rumors of occasional bloodshed involved in that. But I can do no more really on the basis of what I saw then say there was a probability that some ethnic Chinese were killed in this violence, and also a probability that some Tibetans, Tibetan rioters themselves were killed by members of the security forces. But it's impossible to get the kind of numbers or real first hand evidences necessary to back that up.
Q. Form any sense of where it would go from here?
A. Well I think they now have a huge problem on their hands. When I left Lhasa yesterday the city was still in a state of effectively Martial Law. They've been bending over backwards this time not to declare martial law as they did in 1989 after the last major outbreak of anti-Chinese unrest in Lhasa. This time they have not used that term and yet the conditions now in Lhasa are pretty much the same as they were in 1989 under martial law. Officials say there are no soldiers, no members of the People's Liberation Army involved in this security operation. And yet I saw numerous, many military vehicles, military looking vehicles with telltale license plates covered up or removed. And also many troops there whose uniforms were distinctly lacking in the usual insignia of either the police or the riot police. So my very, very strong suspicion is that the army is out there and is in control in Lhasa. And removing that security given the way Tibetans are now focusing on the Olympics as a window of opportunity, removing that security now I think would be something they would be very, very cautious about. And yet there are enormous pressures on them to do so. Coming up to the Olympic torch carrying ceremony in Lhasa in June. That is one obvious event they will want the world to see and they will want the world to see that Lhasa is normal. But I think getting to that stage will be enormously tricky given the depth of feeling in Lhasa itself among Tibetans.
Q. Did you actually see clashes between security forces and Tibetan protesters?
A. Well what I saw and at this stage, the situation around my hotel which was right in the middle of the old Tibetan quarter, was very tense indeed and quite dangerous so it was difficult for me to freely walk around the streets. But what I saw was small groups of Tibetans, and this was on the second day of the protests, throwing stones towards what I assumed to be, and they were slightly out of vision, members of the security forces. I would hear and indeed smell occasional volleys of Tear gas fired back. There clearly was a small scale clash going on between Tibetans and the security forces. But on the second day things had calmed down generally compared with the huge rioting that was going on...on the Friday. And the authorities were responding to these occasional clashes with Tibetans not by moving forward rapidly with either riot police and truncheons and shields, or indeed troops with rifles. But for a long time, just with occasional, with the very occasional round of tear gas, which would send and I could see this, people scattering back into these very, very, narrow and winding alleyways. What I did not hear was repeated bursts of machine gun fire, I didn't have that same sense of an all out onslaught of massive firepower that I sensed here in Beijing when I was covering the crushing of the Tiananmen Square protests in June, 1989. This was a very different kind of operation, a more calculated one, and I think the effort of the authorities this time was to let people let off steam before establishing a very strong presence with troops, with guns, every few yards, all across the Tibetan quarter. It was only when they felt safe I think that there would not be massive bloodshed, that they actually moved in with that decisive force.
Q. At time you left, were Han Chinese moving freely back?
A. There were some on the Saturday morning. On the second day we came back to the shops and I saw them picking through the wreckage, tears in their eyes. They were astonished, as I was, at the lack of any security presence on the previous day. It was only during the night at the end of the first day that this cordon was established around the old Tibetan quarter. But even within it, for several hours afterwards, people were still free to continue looting and setting fires, and the authorities were still standing back. And it was only as things fizzled out towards the middle of the second day that as I say they moved in in great numbers. Ethnic Chinese in Lhasa are now very worried people. Some who had been there for many, many years expressed to me their utter astonishment that this had happened. They had no sense of great ethnic tension being a part of life in Lhasa. Now numerous Hans that I spoke to say that they are so afraid they may leave the city, which may have very damaging consequences for Lhasa's economy, Tibet's economy. Of course one would expect that ethnic Chinese would think twice now about coming into Lhasa for tourism, and that's been a huge part of their economic growth recently. And leaving Lhasa, I was sitting on a plane next to some Chinese businessmen, they say that they would normally come in and out of Lhasa by train. But their fear now is that Tibetans will blow up the railway line. That it is now actually safer to fly out of Tibet than to go by railway. We have no evidence of Terrorist activity by Tibetans, no accusation of that nature so far. But that is a fear that's haunting some ethnic Han Chinese now.
Q. When you were told to leave, what were you told?
A. Well I had an 8-day permit to be in Lhasa. That permit began two days before the rioting, on March 12, and was due to run out on March 19. My official schedule was basically abandoned after a couple days of this. Many of the places on my official itinerary turned out to be hotspots in the middle of this unrest. They left me to my own devices. I was stopped by the police at one point, taken to a police station. They made a few phone calls and then let me go back out on the streets full of troops and police carrying out the security crackdown. They insisted however that when my permit did expire on the 19th that I had to leave. I asked for an extension and they said decisively no.
Q. So you weren't expelled? It just ran out?
A. Well we're in a gray area here. Because in theory China has been opened up to foreign journalists since January 2007, which means no longer, which was the case before, do we have to apply for provincial level government approval every time we leave Beijing for reporting. The official regulations don't mention Tibet. But orally, officials have made it clear that Tibet is an exception to these new Olympic rules and journalists who have made their own way there, unofficially, both before this unrest and during it have been caught or ... and expelled. Or those who have succeeded in making it out without being detected have been criticized by the authorities for doing so. So one could argue that yes I was expelled, if one looks at the regulations they've announced which one could interpret as meaning we have the freedom to be where we like. But in their interpretation, Tibet is an exception and in their view they were being rather liberal towards me by letting run to the end of my official permit.
Q. Is Dalai behind this?
A. Well we didn't see any evidence of any organized activity, at least there was nothing in what I sensed and saw during those couple of days of unrest in Lhasa, there was anything organized behind it. And I've seen organized unrest in China. The Tiananmen Square protests in 1989 involved numerous organizations spontaneously formed by people in Beijing to oppose, or to call for more reform and demand democracy. We didn't see that in Lhasa. There were no organizations there that ... certainly none that labeled themselves as such. These accusations against what they call the Dalai Lama clique, are ritual parts of the political rhetoric in Tibet. There is a constant background rhetoric directed at the Dalai Lama and his supporters in India. So it is not at all surprising that they would repeat that particular accusation in this case. But they haven't come across, haven't produced any evidence of this whatsoever. And I think it's more likely that what we saw was yes inspired by a general desire of Tibetans both inside Tibet and among the Dalai Lama's followers, to take advantage of this Olympic year. But also inspired simply by all these festering grievances on the ground in Lhasa.
James Miles发表的图片：
http://www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/03/23/china.tibet.ap/index.html#cnnSTCPhoto
要看James Miles的图片，请点击这里：
http://www.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/03/23/china.tibet.ap/index.html#cnnSTCPhoto
Why?
--Because it hurt already the feeling of Han and Zang nations.