总统、民粹主义和民主危机

总统、民粹主义和民主危机

https://www.amazon.ca/Presidents-Populism-Crisis-Democracy-William/dp/022676317X

作者：William G. Howell、Terry M. Moe， – 2020 年 8 月 5 日

美国民主的长期、雄心勃勃的发展已经结束了吗？ 可能是的。 正如威廉·豪威尔（William G. Howell）和特里·莫伊（Terry M. Moe）在对现代政治的尖锐新分析中指出的那样，美国面临着一场威胁我们自治制度的历史性危机——如果要拯救民主，就必须找出危机的根源。 被理解和化解。

最明显的原因是唐纳德·特朗普，他利用总统任期攻击国家机构并违反其民主规范。 然而，特朗普只是更深层原因的一个症状：几十年来，全球化、自动化和移民等社会力量造成了经济损害和文化焦虑，而我们的政府在解决这些问题方面却完全无效。 数以百万计的美国人变得愤怒和不满，民粹主义的诉求找到了愿意接受的听众。 这些都是特朗普总统任期危险的驱动因素。 在他离任后，它们仍然会被其他民粹主义者用来武器化。

可以做些什么来维护美国的民主？ 现代性的破坏性力量无法被阻止。 相反，解决方案在于建立一个能够应对这些问题的政府——这需要采取积极的新政策，但也需要进行制度改革，以增强其有效行动的能力。

进步之路充满了政治障碍，其中包括日益民粹主义、反政府的共和党。 很难乐观。 但如果要应对挑战，我们需要对总统职位本身进行改革——改革要利用总统权力的承诺来建立有效的政府，但又要坚决防止担心总统权力可能会达到反民主的目的。

Presidents, Populism, and the Crisis of Democracy 

https://www.amazon.ca/Presidents-Populism-Crisis-Democracy-William/dp/022676317X

by William G. Howell, Terry M. Moe，  – Aug. 5 2020

Has American democracy’s long, ambitious run come to an end? Possibly yes. As William G. Howell and Terry M. Moe argue in this trenchant new analysis of modern politics, the United States faces a historic crisis that threatens our system of self-government—and if democracy is to be saved, the causes of the crisis must be understood and defused.

The most visible cause is Donald Trump, who has used his presidency to attack the nation’s institutions and violate its democratic norms. Yet Trump is but a symptom of causes that run much deeper: social forces like globalization, automation, and immigration that for decades have generated economic harms and cultural anxieties that our government has been wholly ineffective at addressing. Millions of Americans have grown angry and disaffected, and populist appeals have found a receptive audience. These are the drivers of Trump’s dangerous presidency. And after he leaves office, they will still be there for other populists to weaponize.

What can be done to safeguard American democracy? The disruptive forces of modernity cannot be stopped. The solution lies, instead, in having a government that can deal with them—which calls for aggressive new policies, but also for institutional reforms that enhance its capacity for effective action.

The path to progress is filled with political obstacles, including an increasingly populist, anti-government Republican Party. It is hard to be optimistic. But if the challenge is to be met, we need reforms of the presidency itself—reforms that harness the promise of presidential power for effective government, but firmly protect against the fear that it may be put to anti-democratic ends.