正文
]《纽约时报》发表哈维尔等人文章提出授予刘晓波诺贝尔奖
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我可以以我认为合适的方式行动。我深信每个人都应该这样，即担负起自己的责任。有人会反对说这没有用处。我的回答十分简单：有用。——【捷】哈维尔
哈维尔：请授予刘晓波诺贝尔和平奖
核心提示：通过颁授此奖，诺奖委员会将向刘晓波和中国政府传达一个信号，那就是：在中国和世界上的许多人，将与刘晓波携手并肩，继续为13亿中国人的自由和人权坚定奋斗。
原文：A Nobel Prize for a Chinese dissident
作者：VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY
发表时间： 2010年 9月 20日
译者：@_ReeLy_
校对：David Peng
布拉格——想想真是难以置信：三十年前，我们这242名关心捷克斯洛伐克人权的公民，聚集到一起，联名签署了《七七宪章》。这份宣言呼吁共产党关心人权，并清楚地声明，我们不愿再苟活于政府的威压之下。
我 们的成员五花八门：前共产党员，天主教徒，基督徒，工人，自由派知识分子，艺术家和作家们走到一起，用一个声音说话。我们因对这个政权的不满而联合起来， 因为这个政权要求公民无时不刻的服从：商店店主被迫贴起宣传标语，‘全世界的工人们，联合起来！’。孩子，学生，工人被组织在五一劳动节游行。行政人员必须在每天工作开始前谴责美帝国主义。公民们在选举中“投票”，而唯一的候选者是执政党。
共产党们向来喜欢分而治之。《七七宪章》发表后，政府使尽手段来打散我们的组织。我们被监禁，其中四位被判刑7年。政府也常在小处找我们麻烦（包括暂停我们的驾照和没收打印机）。特务组织监控跟踪，搜索我们的住处与办公地，官媒捏造事实来攻击我们，试图搞臭我们的运动。但这种攻击只能使我们更加团结。《七七宪章》鼓舞那些在沉默中受难的兄弟们：你们并不孤独。最终，那些《七七宪章》提出的主张在捷克斯洛伐克实现了。民主改革的浪潮在1989年席卷了东欧。
我们怎么也不会想到，在三十年后的中国，我们的宪章听到了回响。2008年12月，303名中国人权活动者，律师，知识分子，学者，退休政府官员，工人和农民签下了他们的宣言：《零八宪章》，呼吁政府实行宪政，尊重人权，进行民主改革。《零八宪章》诞生于世界人权宣言的六十岁生日。尽管中国政府竭尽全力使它不出现在电脑屏幕上，《零八宪章》还是通过互联网找到了它的受众，它的签名数最终超过了10000人。
就像七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克一样，中国政府的反应迅速而粗暴。几十上百名签名者被请去“喝茶”。十几名所谓“头目”被逮捕。签名者的职业升迁被停，研究资金被断，出国申请被拒。报纸和出版社将所有签名者列入了黑名单。最严重的是，著名的作家与异议人士，《零八宪章》的主要起草者刘晓波被捕。他已经因为支持1989年天安门广场的和平请愿活动而被关押了5年。被捕后，刘被羁押了一年，期间与妻子或律师的会面受到限制，并最终因煽动颠覆罪受审。2009 年12月，他被判11年徒刑。
尽管刘晓波身陷囹圄，他的思想却难以束缚。在《零八宪章》里，刘晓波描绘了另一个中国与实现她的路径，它挑战了党霸占改革话语权的底线。它鼓励中国的年轻人积极参与政治，倡导法制，宪政和多党民主，并且开启了一系列关于如何实现这些目标的讨论和文章。
就像在七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克一样，宪章最重要的意义，是为不同的群体搭建了前所未有的沟通桥梁。在《零八宪章》发表前，“我们只能活在分离，孤立的状态下”，一位签名者说。“我们并不善于向周围人表达个体的经验。”
刘晓波和《零八宪章》正在使这种情况得到好转。
当然，《零八宪章》面对的政治环境与七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克有很大不同。对经济增长的探求，使中国现实的特殊情况与传统的共产主义国家极不相同。尤其是对年轻的城市白领来说，中国可以说是处在后极权时代。当然，中共还保留着许多不能触碰的禁区，而就在创造《零八宪章》这一先驱行动中，刘晓波打破了其中最不可触碰的一块：不许挑战中共的政治垄断，不许将中国的腐败，工潮，猖獗的环境破坏与政治改革的停滞联系起来。
刘晓波使两者的联系看上去无比明确，为此，他坐了十几年的牢。也许是怕关押他的监狱成为政治抗议点，当局心术不良地强迫刘晓波远离他的妻子刘霞和朋友们居住的北京，转到东北的辽宁服刑。
刘晓波也许被隔绝了，但他不会被遗忘。下个月，诺贝尔和平奖将会宣布2010年的获奖者。我们请求评审委员会向刘晓波颁授此奖，使他成为第一名获此殊荣的中国人，以表彰他二十年来采用和平方式，坚定地倡导改革。通过颁授此奖，诺奖委员会将向刘晓波和中国政府传达一个信号，那就是：中国和世界上的许多人，将与刘晓波携手并肩，继续为13亿中国人的自由和人权坚定奋斗。
瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔
http://zyzg.us/thread-212071-1-1.html
《纽约时报》原文：
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/21/opinion/21iht-edhavel.html
A Nobel Prize for a Chinese Dissident
By VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY
Published: September 20, 2010
It is hard to believe that it was more than 30 years ago that we, a group of 242 private citizens concerned about human rights in Czechoslovakia, came together to sign a manifesto called Charter 77. That document called on the Communist Party to respect human rights, and said clearly that we no longer wanted to live in fear of state repression.
Our disparate group included ex-Communists, Catholics, Protestants, workers, liberal intellectuals, artists and writers who came together to speak with one voice. We were united by our dissatisfaction with a regime that demanded acts of obedience on an almost daily basis: Shopkeepers were pressured to put up propaganda signs that read “Workers of the world, unite!” Schoolchildren, students and workers were compelled to march in May Day parades. Office workers had to denounce American imperialism at the start of the workday. Citizens had to “vote” in elections in which the only choice was the ruling party.
Communist parties, then as now, prefer to divide and conquer. After Charter 77 was released, the government did its best to try and break us up. We were detained, and four of us eventually went to jail for several years. The authorities also got back at us in petty ways (including the suspension of driver’s licenses and confiscation of typewriters). Surveillance was stepped up, our homes and offices were searched, and a barrage of press attacks based on malicious lies sought to discredit us and our movement. This onslaught only strengthened our bonds. Charter 77 also reminded many of our fellow citizens who were silently suffering that they were not alone. In time, many of the ideas set forth in Charter 77 prevailed in Czechoslovakia. A wave of similar democratic reforms swept Eastern Europe in 1989.
We never would have guessed that our short manifesto would find an echo in China some 30 years later. In December 2008, a group of 303 Chinese activists, lawyers, intellectuals, academics, retired government officials, workers and peasants put forward their own manifesto titled Charter 08, calling for constitutional government, respect for human rights and other democratic reforms. It was published to mark the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Despite the best efforts of government officials to keep it off of Chinese computer screens, Charter 08 reached a nationwide audience via the Internet, and new signatories eventually reached more than 10,000.
As in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, the response of the Chinese government was swift and brutal. Dozens if not hundreds of signatories were called in for questioning. A handful of perceived ringleaders were detained. Professional promotions were held up, research grants denied and applications to travel abroad rejected. Newspapers and publishing houses were ordered to blacklist anyone who had signed Charter 08. Most seriously, the prominent writer and dissident Liu Xiaobo, a key drafter of Charter 08, was arrested. Liu had already spent five years in prison for his support of peaceful Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. Held for more than a year with limited access to his wife or his lawyer, Liu was put on trial for subversion. In December 2009, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison.
Despite Liu’s imprisonment, his ideas cannot be shackled. Charter 08 has articulated an alternative vision of China, challenging the official line that any decisions on reforms are the exclusive province of the state. It has encouraged younger Chinese to become politically active, and boldly made the case for the rule of law and constitutional multiparty democracy. And it has served as a jumping-off point for a series of conversations and essays on how to get there.
Perhaps most important, as in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, Charter 08 has forged connections among different groups that did not exist before. Before Charter 08, “we had to live in a certain kind of separate and solitary state,” one signatory wrote. “We were not good at expressing our own personal experiences to those around us.”
Liu Xiaobo and Charter 08 are changing that, for the better.
Of course, Charter 08 addresses a political milieu very different from 1970s Czechoslovakia. In its quest for economic growth, China has seemed to embrace some features far removed from traditional Communism. Especially for young, urban, educated white-collar workers, China can seem like a post-Communist country. And yet, China’s Communist Party still has lines that cannot be crossed. In spearheading the creation of Charter 08, Liu Xiaobo crossed the starkest line of all: Do not challenge the Communist Party’s monopoly on political power, and do not suggest that China’s problems — including widespread corruption, labor unrest, and rampant environmental degradation — might be connected to the lack of progress on political reform.
For making that very connection in an all too public way, Liu got more than a decade in prison. In an especially spiteful move, the authorities, perhaps fearful that his prison cell would become a political rallying point, have forced him to serve his sentence in the northeastern province of Liaoning, far from his wife Liu Xia and friends in Beijing.
Liu may be isolated, but he is not forgotten. Next month, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee will announce the recipient of the 2010 prize. We ask the Nobel Committee to honor Liu Xiaobo’s more than two decades of unflinching and peaceful advocacy for reform, and to make him the first Chinese recipient of that prestigious award. In doing so, the Nobel Committee would signal both to Liu and to the Chinese government that many inside China and around the world stand in solidarity with him, and his unwavering vision of freedom and human rights for the 1. 3 billion people of China.
Vaclav Havelis the former president of the Czech Republic.Dana Nemcova is a leading Czech human rights advocate, and Vaclav Maly is the bishop of Prague. All three are signatories of Charter 77 and former leaders of the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
我可以以我认为合适的方式行动。我深信每个人都应该这样，即担负起自己的责任。有人会反对说这没有用处。我的回答十分简单：有用。——【捷】哈维尔
哈维尔：请授予刘晓波诺贝尔和平奖
核心提示：通过颁授此奖，诺奖委员会将向刘晓波和中国政府传达一个信号，那就是：在中国和世界上的许多人，将与刘晓波携手并肩，继续为13亿中国人的自由和人权坚定奋斗。
原文：A Nobel Prize for a Chinese dissident
作者：VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY
发表时间： 2010年 9月 20日
译者：@_ReeLy_
校对：David Peng
布拉格——想想真是难以置信：三十年前，我们这242名关心捷克斯洛伐克人权的公民，聚集到一起，联名签署了《七七宪章》。这份宣言呼吁共产党关心人权，并清楚地声明，我们不愿再苟活于政府的威压之下。
我 们的成员五花八门：前共产党员，天主教徒，基督徒，工人，自由派知识分子，艺术家和作家们走到一起，用一个声音说话。我们因对这个政权的不满而联合起来， 因为这个政权要求公民无时不刻的服从：商店店主被迫贴起宣传标语，‘全世界的工人们，联合起来！’。孩子，学生，工人被组织在五一劳动节游行。行政人员必须在每天工作开始前谴责美帝国主义。公民们在选举中“投票”，而唯一的候选者是执政党。
共产党们向来喜欢分而治之。《七七宪章》发表后，政府使尽手段来打散我们的组织。我们被监禁，其中四位被判刑7年。政府也常在小处找我们麻烦（包括暂停我们的驾照和没收打印机）。特务组织监控跟踪，搜索我们的住处与办公地，官媒捏造事实来攻击我们，试图搞臭我们的运动。但这种攻击只能使我们更加团结。《七七宪章》鼓舞那些在沉默中受难的兄弟们：你们并不孤独。最终，那些《七七宪章》提出的主张在捷克斯洛伐克实现了。民主改革的浪潮在1989年席卷了东欧。
我们怎么也不会想到，在三十年后的中国，我们的宪章听到了回响。2008年12月，303名中国人权活动者，律师，知识分子，学者，退休政府官员，工人和农民签下了他们的宣言：《零八宪章》，呼吁政府实行宪政，尊重人权，进行民主改革。《零八宪章》诞生于世界人权宣言的六十岁生日。尽管中国政府竭尽全力使它不出现在电脑屏幕上，《零八宪章》还是通过互联网找到了它的受众，它的签名数最终超过了10000人。
就像七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克一样，中国政府的反应迅速而粗暴。几十上百名签名者被请去“喝茶”。十几名所谓“头目”被逮捕。签名者的职业升迁被停，研究资金被断，出国申请被拒。报纸和出版社将所有签名者列入了黑名单。最严重的是，著名的作家与异议人士，《零八宪章》的主要起草者刘晓波被捕。他已经因为支持1989年天安门广场的和平请愿活动而被关押了5年。被捕后，刘被羁押了一年，期间与妻子或律师的会面受到限制，并最终因煽动颠覆罪受审。2009 年12月，他被判11年徒刑。
尽管刘晓波身陷囹圄，他的思想却难以束缚。在《零八宪章》里，刘晓波描绘了另一个中国与实现她的路径，它挑战了党霸占改革话语权的底线。它鼓励中国的年轻人积极参与政治，倡导法制，宪政和多党民主，并且开启了一系列关于如何实现这些目标的讨论和文章。
就像在七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克一样，宪章最重要的意义，是为不同的群体搭建了前所未有的沟通桥梁。在《零八宪章》发表前，“我们只能活在分离，孤立的状态下”，一位签名者说。“我们并不善于向周围人表达个体的经验。”
刘晓波和《零八宪章》正在使这种情况得到好转。
当然，《零八宪章》面对的政治环境与七十年代的捷克斯洛伐克有很大不同。对经济增长的探求，使中国现实的特殊情况与传统的共产主义国家极不相同。尤其是对年轻的城市白领来说，中国可以说是处在后极权时代。当然，中共还保留着许多不能触碰的禁区，而就在创造《零八宪章》这一先驱行动中，刘晓波打破了其中最不可触碰的一块：不许挑战中共的政治垄断，不许将中国的腐败，工潮，猖獗的环境破坏与政治改革的停滞联系起来。
刘晓波使两者的联系看上去无比明确，为此，他坐了十几年的牢。也许是怕关押他的监狱成为政治抗议点，当局心术不良地强迫刘晓波远离他的妻子刘霞和朋友们居住的北京，转到东北的辽宁服刑。
刘晓波也许被隔绝了，但他不会被遗忘。下个月，诺贝尔和平奖将会宣布2010年的获奖者。我们请求评审委员会向刘晓波颁授此奖，使他成为第一名获此殊荣的中国人，以表彰他二十年来采用和平方式，坚定地倡导改革。通过颁授此奖，诺奖委员会将向刘晓波和中国政府传达一个信号，那就是：中国和世界上的许多人，将与刘晓波携手并肩，继续为13亿中国人的自由和人权坚定奋斗。
瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔
http://zyzg.us/thread-212071-1-1.html
《纽约时报》原文：
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/21/opinion/21iht-edhavel.html
A Nobel Prize for a Chinese Dissident
By VACLAV HAVEL, DANA NEMCOVA, and VACLAV MALY
Published: September 20, 2010
It is hard to believe that it was more than 30 years ago that we, a group of 242 private citizens concerned about human rights in Czechoslovakia, came together to sign a manifesto called Charter 77. That document called on the Communist Party to respect human rights, and said clearly that we no longer wanted to live in fear of state repression.
Our disparate group included ex-Communists, Catholics, Protestants, workers, liberal intellectuals, artists and writers who came together to speak with one voice. We were united by our dissatisfaction with a regime that demanded acts of obedience on an almost daily basis: Shopkeepers were pressured to put up propaganda signs that read “Workers of the world, unite!” Schoolchildren, students and workers were compelled to march in May Day parades. Office workers had to denounce American imperialism at the start of the workday. Citizens had to “vote” in elections in which the only choice was the ruling party.
Communist parties, then as now, prefer to divide and conquer. After Charter 77 was released, the government did its best to try and break us up. We were detained, and four of us eventually went to jail for several years. The authorities also got back at us in petty ways (including the suspension of driver’s licenses and confiscation of typewriters). Surveillance was stepped up, our homes and offices were searched, and a barrage of press attacks based on malicious lies sought to discredit us and our movement. This onslaught only strengthened our bonds. Charter 77 also reminded many of our fellow citizens who were silently suffering that they were not alone. In time, many of the ideas set forth in Charter 77 prevailed in Czechoslovakia. A wave of similar democratic reforms swept Eastern Europe in 1989.
We never would have guessed that our short manifesto would find an echo in China some 30 years later. In December 2008, a group of 303 Chinese activists, lawyers, intellectuals, academics, retired government officials, workers and peasants put forward their own manifesto titled Charter 08, calling for constitutional government, respect for human rights and other democratic reforms. It was published to mark the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Despite the best efforts of government officials to keep it off of Chinese computer screens, Charter 08 reached a nationwide audience via the Internet, and new signatories eventually reached more than 10,000.
As in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, the response of the Chinese government was swift and brutal. Dozens if not hundreds of signatories were called in for questioning. A handful of perceived ringleaders were detained. Professional promotions were held up, research grants denied and applications to travel abroad rejected. Newspapers and publishing houses were ordered to blacklist anyone who had signed Charter 08. Most seriously, the prominent writer and dissident Liu Xiaobo, a key drafter of Charter 08, was arrested. Liu had already spent five years in prison for his support of peaceful Tiananmen Square protests in 1989. Held for more than a year with limited access to his wife or his lawyer, Liu was put on trial for subversion. In December 2009, he was sentenced to 11 years in prison.
Despite Liu’s imprisonment, his ideas cannot be shackled. Charter 08 has articulated an alternative vision of China, challenging the official line that any decisions on reforms are the exclusive province of the state. It has encouraged younger Chinese to become politically active, and boldly made the case for the rule of law and constitutional multiparty democracy. And it has served as a jumping-off point for a series of conversations and essays on how to get there.
Perhaps most important, as in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s, Charter 08 has forged connections among different groups that did not exist before. Before Charter 08, “we had to live in a certain kind of separate and solitary state,” one signatory wrote. “We were not good at expressing our own personal experiences to those around us.”
Liu Xiaobo and Charter 08 are changing that, for the better.
Of course, Charter 08 addresses a political milieu very different from 1970s Czechoslovakia. In its quest for economic growth, China has seemed to embrace some features far removed from traditional Communism. Especially for young, urban, educated white-collar workers, China can seem like a post-Communist country. And yet, China’s Communist Party still has lines that cannot be crossed. In spearheading the creation of Charter 08, Liu Xiaobo crossed the starkest line of all: Do not challenge the Communist Party’s monopoly on political power, and do not suggest that China’s problems — including widespread corruption, labor unrest, and rampant environmental degradation — might be connected to the lack of progress on political reform.
For making that very connection in an all too public way, Liu got more than a decade in prison. In an especially spiteful move, the authorities, perhaps fearful that his prison cell would become a political rallying point, have forced him to serve his sentence in the northeastern province of Liaoning, far from his wife Liu Xia and friends in Beijing.
Liu may be isolated, but he is not forgotten. Next month, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee will announce the recipient of the 2010 prize. We ask the Nobel Committee to honor Liu Xiaobo’s more than two decades of unflinching and peaceful advocacy for reform, and to make him the first Chinese recipient of that prestigious award. In doing so, the Nobel Committee would signal both to Liu and to the Chinese government that many inside China and around the world stand in solidarity with him, and his unwavering vision of freedom and human rights for the 1. 3 billion people of China.
Vaclav Havelis the former president of the Czech Republic.Dana Nemcova is a leading Czech human rights advocate, and Vaclav Maly is the bishop of Prague. All three are signatories of Charter 77 and former leaders of the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia.
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