周恩来年谱英文参考资料--1945年8月30日毛周与魏德迈会见

1945年8月，毛泽东在周恩来和美国特使赫尔利陪同下来到重庆与蒋介石谈判。8月30日，毛泽东和周恩来会见了接替史迪威的魏德迈（Albert C. Wedemeyer）将军。
周恩来年谱：
1945 年8 月30 日－9 月1 日
连日和王若飞同国民党方面代表王世杰、张治中、张群、邵力子会晤，就军事、政治等问题广泛交换意见。
1945 年8 月30 日－10 月11 日
△陪同毛泽东与各方人士会晤，就国是交换意见。会见的有宋庆龄、于右任、孙科、覃振、冯玉祥、戴季陶、白崇禧、陈立夫、柳亚子、吴稚晖、张澜、沈钧儒、左舜生、罗隆基、章伯钧、黄炎培、邹鲁等。并和苏、英、法、加拿大等国大使会晤，招待合众社、路透社等驻重庆的外国记者。
没有提到与魏德迈将军的会见。

本博来自：魏德迈将军回忆录，《魏德迈报到！》（Wedemeyer Reports！by General Albert C. Wedemeyer Henry Holt & Company,New York 1958）,是原文的翻译（因为这段比较重要，所以把英文原文附后），文中的“我”指魏德迈：
 我在重庆家里和毛泽东，周恩来讨论共产主义的时候，我问他们：难道你们不能放弃外国的意识形态而自力更生地完成孙中山三民主义中的崇高目标吗？周恩来回答道：中国的解放者不能与社会主义国家相分离，而没有国际无产阶级的帮助，他们也不能成功。然后我问道：这是不是说你们必须接受苏联的援助？他很肯定地回答说：中国共产党必须接受苏联的帮助，以及美国，英国和世界上其它国家的无产阶级的帮助。他说：“否则我们就不能战胜资产阶级专政。”
  毛泽东认真地听我们谈话，与他们同来的一位女翻译给他翻译。此时毛泽东插话：“中国革命是反对帝国主义，封建主义和资本主义的世界革命的一部分。”他又说：“我们要坚定地进行中国的政治革命和经济革命，让人民拥有崭新的政治，经济和文化体系。我们不仅要扫除政治压迫和经济剥削，我们还要帮助那些不识字又落后的人们受教育，懂文明，使他们进步；换句话说，一个为人民服务的新文化。”
  我回忆起1927-1937年期间蒋介石和他的政府也努力要完成类似的目标，周恩来毛泽东都不认为蒋介石取得任何进步，他们强调指出贫穷，脏乱，腐败和管理不善等都是国民党造成的。接着我说如果你自己去阅读，或者听一个虔诚的共产主义分子的宣传，马克思主义的很多目标显得是人道主义的，也很有建设意义，但是每当共产党掌握政权后，这些美好的目标就变成了泡影和陷阱。所谓的无产阶级被剥夺了言论自由，失去了决定政府组织机构的机会，不能得到与他们的工作相应的工资，以及宗教自由。周恩来急着要打断我，但我继续说：“共产党夺取政权的方法--欺骗，胁迫，谋杀和奴役，都是共产党夺取和维护政权的特征。”
 周恩来明显被我的话激怒了，脱口说起中国话来，然后意识到我听不懂，他又说起了不熟练的英语，努力搜寻反驳我的恰当的词。他强调指出，世界上反革命的力量太强大，普通老百姓不得不利用一切可以利用的方法来推翻他们的死敌。他引用列宁的话：“无产阶级必须继续斗争，直到摧毁资本主义。”
  这次讨论，主要是通过翻译进行的，很慢，很艰难。艰难是因为我要毫无疑义地搞清楚这两个共产党人的追求的目标是什么。很多次我听到别人说，他们不是真正的马克思主义者，而不过是关心中国人民利益的农业改革者（agrarian reformers），但是，这次历史性的会谈，虽然是非正式的，却否定了这种在美国很流行的说法。我在这些中国共产党客人离开后，立即把这次很具挑战的讨论记录下来。

上图，1945年7月，魏德迈将军巡视中国东南方，与村民一起；下图，1944年重庆，左旗，朱世明将军，蒋介石，英国将军Wiart，魏德迈，ferris.

以上是魏德迈的记述，他没有说明会谈是哪一天，本博从OSS in China Prelude to Cold War一书（ by Maochun Yu， Yale University Press 1997）中得知（p240），此事发生在1945年8月30日。魏德迈回忆录相关部分英文原文：
P.285
In discussing communism with Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai in my home in Chungking I asked them why they and their followers could not on their own initiative and without adopting foreign ideology accomplish the excellent objectives embodied in the San Min Chu I from Sun Yat-sen. Chou En-lai replied that the Chinese liberators could not be separated from the socialist state nor could they operate without the aid of the international proletariat. I then asked, “Does this mean that you must obtain aid from the Soviet Union?” and he replied categorically that the Chinese Communists must accept the assistance of the Soviet Union as well as of the proletariat in the United States, Great Britain, and other (p286) countries of the world. “Otherwise we cannot win a victory over bourgeois dictatorship,” he said.
Mao Tse-tung, who had been listening carefully to our conversation, translated to him by a female interpreter who accompanied them, interrupted:”Chinese revolution is an intergral part of world revolution against imperialism, feudalism, and capitalism.” He added: “We are definitely committed to the struggle for political and economic revolution in China so that the people will have a new system of politics, economy, and culture. Not only must we eliminate political oppression and econimic expoitation but also we want to help our people who are so ignorant and backward to become educated, civilized, and progressive; in other words, a new culture for all of our people.”
I then recalled the period 1927-1937 in China when Chiang Kai-shek and his government were striving to accomplish similar objectives. Neither Chou En-lai nor Mao Tse-tung would agree that forward steps had been made; in fact they emphasized the poverty, squalor, corruption, and maladministration which they maintained were directly attributable to the Kuomintang. I then commented that many of the objectives of Marxism when read or even expressed by an ardent Communist would seem humanitarian and constructive, but uniformly after the Communists came into power these worthy objectives proved to be a delusion and a snare. The so-called proletariat were denied freedom of speech, the opportunity of determining how and by whom they would be governed, commensurate reward for their work, and even freedom to worship their God. Chou En-lai was very anxious to interrupt but I continued:” The methods employed by the Communists to obtain control--lying, intimidations, murder, and enslavement--have in every instance been the hallmarks of Communist acquisition and maintenance of power.”
Chou En-lai was obviously aroused by my remarks, because he burst forth in Chinese. Then, realizing that I did not understand, he returned rather haltingly to English, trying to find the correct words to refute my statements. He emphasized that the power of the reactionary forces in the world was so great that the common people were compelled to resort to any means in order to accomplish the overthrow of their deadly enemies. He then quoted Lenin:(p287)”The proletariat must continue the struggle against capitalism until it is destroyed.”
 This discussion, much of which was conducted through the interpreter, was slow and painful, the latter because I was trying to establish unmistakably the objectives of these two Communist leaders. I had heard many times that they were not true Marxists but were simply agrarian reformers interested in the welfare of the Chinese people. However, this historic meeting under informal circumstances gave the lie to such reports, which were being widely disseminated in the United States. I recorded this provocative discussion immediately after my Chinese Communist guests had departed.